My delegation will therefore vote against it,
TL/rja
A/PV,1609
76
(Mr. Cole, Sierra Leone)
+
TL/TJE
A/P7.1609
77
(Hr. Cole, Sierra Leone)
My Government seriously believes that the isolation of the People's
Republic of China wight lead to serious consequences. There is the stark
reality that continued isolation might daily force the People's Republic
of China to continue to build for itself a nighty fortress of muclear
power.
He There is unanimity in this Organization on the objectives of
disarmament. all agree that disarmament can be fully achieved only under
an agreement entered into voluntarily and in good faith by all States
whose participation would be necessary to make such an arrangement
effective. We also agree that national armaments should be reduced to
the level of police forces necessary to keep internal order, and that
there should be an internationally administered armed force stranger
than any combination of national forces that might be aligned against
it. We further agree that disarmament, to be effective, must be
accompanied by the creation of a peace-keeping and dispute-settling
system with at least the minimal, Amount of lay and organization
necessary to prevent large-
scale, organized, armed conflict song States.
How then, I ask, can these objectives be achieved if we continue without
proper and thorough investigation to allow practically one-fourth of the
world's population, fully armed, to be outside the United Nations
influence? This certainly does not add to the security of the world.
My delegation is in no position at present to condemn any side until the
full facts have been determined. We feel that this august body has a
sscrosanct right to the fullest enquiry and information possible on this
very complex and difficult question. In our view, the place of the
Republic of China in the thited Nations has been filled by its
representatives with distinction → representatives who have done their
duty well and against whom there is no serious ground for complaint. My
country enjoys the most friendly relations with the Republic of China,
It is my delegation's belief, however, that it is essential not only to
bring the United Nations to China but also to bring China to the United
Nations. Every effort should therefore be made
-
to find ways and means to rise above our present difficulties and to
engage in an urgent search for a solution that will ensure to all
concerned justice in accordance with the terms of our Charter,
My delegation considers such a course to be well defined in the Italian
roposals contained in document A/L.533. They express our determination
to make reality of our approach to the problem. My delegation will
therefore vote
for that draft resolution.
As regards the proposals contained in document A/L.532/Add.1, my
delegation considers the question on important one within the ambit of
Article 18, paragraph 2, of our Charter and will accordingly vote in
favour of it as well,
Mr, WONG (Singapore): Before voting on the question of the restoration
of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China. I should like to
state briefly the position of my delegation with regard to the draft
resolutions now before this Assembly, and particularly the draft
resolutions contained in documents A/L.531 and A/L.533.
The question now before the Assembly has been debated for almost twenty
years. Nothing that has been said has deflected us from the view that
this Organization cannot go on ignoring the inherent rights of 750
million people, one-fifth of the human race, to be represented in this
world body. Last year when this august Assembly was called upon to
decide on the question of the representation of the People's Republic of
China, we stated in unequivocal terms that the delegation of Singapore
supported fully the seating of the People's Republic of China in this
Organization.
With regard to draft resolution A/L,531, popularly referred to as the
"Albanian draft resolution", on the restoration of the lawful rights of
the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, we should like to
state our views.
The preambular part has our full support; that is to say, recalling the
principles of the Charter of the United Nations, we consider, first,
that the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of
China is essential both for the protection of the Charter of the United
Nations and for the cause that the United Nations must serve under the
Charter; and second, we recognize that the representatives of the
Government of the People's Republic of Chine
If the are the only lawful representatives of China to the United
Nations, pressbular paragraphs are voted on separately, we shall cast an
affirmative vote.
Th/rja
A/PV,1609
78
(Mr. Wong, Singapore)
As regards the operative paragraph, our voting position would be the
same As it was last year. Let me repeat our explanation made before this
Assembly
almost exactly a year ago. We then stated:
"The first part of the operative paragraph deals with the restoration of
all rights to the People's Republic of China and the recognition of
... the representatives of its Government as the only lawful
representatives of China to the United Nations.... (A/L496)
We fully support this and, if it is voted upon separately, we shall vote
"Coming to the second part of the operative paragraph, we carmot but
feel that the question is hypothetical at this stage and should arise
only after the first part has been adopted and implemented. Before this
Assembly even considers the steps to be taken, as the second part of the
operative paragraph would suggest, my delegation considers it necessary
that the first hurdle should be cleared and cleared conclusively. My
delegation therefore considers that voting on the second part of the
operative paragraph at this stage is largely hypothetical and,
essentially, a consequential matter depending upon the implementation of
the first part, (1480th meeting. page 48)
Ás such, my delegation finde itself unable to support the operative
paragraph sa a whole. If it is voted upon separately, ve vill abstain.
If the draft resolution is voted upon as a whole, we will abstain for
the reasons stated,
As regards draft resolution A/L, 533, calling for the General Assembly
to appoint a committee of Member States to study the question of the
representation of China with a view to making appropriate recomendations
to the next session of the General Assembly, my dalagation is of the
opinion that, as we have deliberated on the subject for almost twenty
years, the appointment of such a
committee will not contribute to the solution of the difficulties
confrunting this Assembly but will only add more confusion to a problem
on which all nations. for their own separate and diverse reasons, have
already taken their positions. Until Member States change their
traditional positions on this question, the question vill remain
intractable. For this reason, we shall not support draft resolution
A/1.533.
TL/TJS
A/P7.1609 79-80
(Mr. Wong, Singapore)
As regards draft resolution A/L.532/Add.1, which calls upon the General
Assembly to reaffirm its decision that the question of the
representation of
ina is an important question, our position will be guided by the views
we have just stated,
*PT/SHH
A/PV.1609
81
Mr. GHAUS (Afghanistan): Mr. President, may I with your leave explain
very briefly the vote of my delegation regarding the three draft
resolutions presently under consideration.
Once again the question of the representation of China in the United
Nations is being discussed in this Assembly. It is the question of the
representation of a founding Member of the United Nations and a
permanent member of the Security Council. It is rather disappointing to
note that after so many years we are still listening to speeches in the
general debate the authors of which have
not yet made the obvious distinction between the admission of China and
its
representation. It is our earnest hope that this Assembly may very soon
deliberate and act upon this basic point apart from all irrelevant
considerations
so that its discussions on this clear and obvious issue may be free from
all
confusion.
As we have stated in the past, our greatest concern in this case is the
Interest of the Chinese people and the interest of the United Nations.
Our support for the seating of the representatives of the People's
Republic of
China as the legitimate representatives of the Chinese people is not
based
merely on Afghanistan's recognition of the Government of that country.
For, in fact, our recognition has evolved from our knowledge, as a
neighbouring country, that the Government of the People's Republic of
China is the only legitimate Governant of China anjoying the support of
the overwhelming majority of the Chinese people.
We have never based our arguments regarding this question on
considerations of population, territory, or the status of the People's
Republic of China as a
great, and now, a nuclear Power. Our judgement relies solely upon the
fact that the Goverment of the People's Republic of China is the
Government of the majority of the Chinese people.
In all cases we have supported the principle of the universality of the
United Nations. The absence of the representatives of the majority of th
Chinese people in, as we bave said before, a glaring deviation from this
concept.
Although we understand that political differences exist between certain
countries and the People's Republic of China, we do not believe that the
existence of such differences is grounds for the exclusion of the
legitimate representatives
FHS/ids
A/PV.1609
82
(Mr. Ghaus, Afghanistan)
of a people from this Organization. The acceptance of such a policy will
definitely have serious consequences for the United Nations itself.
Moreover, among those countries which have political differences with
the Goverment of the People's Republic of China there are some which,
through their wisdon, have understood that it is a fumetion of this
Organization to serve as a centre for harmonizing differences. With that
awareness, they have
not objected to the representation of the Government of the People's
Republic of China.
Even those countries which have based their policy upon the existence of
political differences have participated in other international
conferences with representatives of the People's Republic of China. With
that in mind, we cannot understand their opposition to its being seated
in the United Nations.
Afghanistan, as a neighbour of China and also as an Asian country, would
like to emphasize that the Government of the People's Republic of China
not only has been recognized by a great number of countries in other
regions of the world, but has in fact been accorded recognition by the
overwhelming majority of the countries of Asia. In the interests of
peace in Asia, the part of the world to which my people belong, it is
our duty to stress once again that the aspirations of the Asian people
should not, and in the long run, camot
be overlooked in the consideration of this matter by the Assembly,
In 1962, in addressing the General Assembly on this question, the
representative of Afghanistan stated:
"The nature of the question itself cannot be changed even though the
issue has wide political implications ... We fully recognize the impact
that
the participation of the People's Republic of China in the United
Nations vill have on improving the international situation and the
practical solution of many international problems. We emphasize this
aspect because it is the positive aspect. This in no way means that we
are not aware of the negative political implications, but we should like
to concentrate
on the positive political implications." (1256th meeting, para. 95)
BHS/ide
A/PV.1609
83-85
RSB/ep
(Mr. Chaux, Afghanistan)
To us, the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the
People's Republic of China in the United Nations presents no
complexities. It is a very simple and clear issue which requires no
exploration or study.
It is an undeniable fact that the Government of the People's Republic of
China
is the only legitimate Government of China.
In the light of the aforementioned considerations, it is therefore clear
that we are not in a position to support the draft resolutions contained
in documents A/L-532 and Add.1 and A/1.533. But we shall vote in favour
of the draft resolution contained in document A/L.531.
+
the
Mr. GALLIN-DOUATHE (Central African Republic) (interpretation from
French): Again the question of the representation of China in our
organization
has given rise to controversies which, as usual, have not eschewed
either passion or verbal violence. After this unburdening ---which is
quite legitimate General Assembly mist, in any casa, sasume ita
rasponsibilities in
the face of three proposals which reflect the tranıda manifested during
the debate which, inevitably, floved from the importance of the question
of
the restoration of the lawful, rights of the People's Republic of China.
In order to be as clear na possible in our statement we shall begin by
examining the draft resolution contained in document A/L-532 and Add.1,
the
one which reminds us that this question is a matter of vital importance
for
our Organization, such a decision having already been taken successively
in 1950 and 1561.
We draw two conclusions from reading documer A/L.532 and Add.1. First,
there is a principle according to which whenever more than one authority
claims
to be the Government entitled to represent a Member State in the United
Nations
and the question becomes a subject of controversy in the the United
Nations,
that question should be considered in the light of the purposes and
principles of
the Charter of the United Nations and the circumstances of sach State.
China is a Member of our Organization. For this reason, the Government
of
Peking claims to be the Government which is qualified to represent
Chine, a State Hember of the United Nations, whereas obviously the
Government of Taiwan,
which already occupies the seat of China, also claims to be the
Governmant
qualified to represent that same China, a State Member of the United
Nations.
1
1
A/PV.1609
86
(Mr. Gellin-Dourthe, Central
erican Republic)
We can see that there is more than one authority which claims to be the
Goverment of a Member State, and this has given rise to the
controversics with
which we are familiar. Therefore, the question must be considered in the
light
of the purposes and principles of the Charter and of the circumstances
of each
case.
Eminent speakers have already tried, with much eloquence, to stress this
important aspect of the matter and, therefore, we shall not dvall on
this,
Secondly, there is the consequence of the principle which we have just
mentioned, according to which, in accordance with Article 18 of the
Charter,
any proposal to change the representation of China is an important
question,
There is, indeed, a proposal to change the representation of China, and
this
proposal is contained in draft resolution A/L.533, which asks the
Assembly to
decree the immediate expulsion of the representatives of Chiang
Kai-shek,
Therefore, there is a controversy, since the Paking Government claims to
be
the government qualified to represent China, Therefore, it clearly
appears that
the question of the representation of China in the United Nations, in
the eyes
of most Member States, Implies a change in representation, but it is
still a
controversial matter, and obviously it is therefore an important
question if one
remembers the previous decisions taken by the General Assembly. Firstly,
there was the resolution adopted on 14 December 1950 concerning the
representative
nature of the Government, and, secondly, those of 15 December 1961,
17 November 1965 and, finally, of 29 November 1966. All these
resolutions
reaffirmed the previous resolutions on this point of whether one could
change
the representation of Chins by a pere procedural vote,
Attempts have been made to convince us that there was no question of
asking
our Organization to recognize Governmenta, but only to make sure that
representatives coming in the name of Member State vere duly accredited,
We
have been told that we should not speak of Governments, since the
Charter sentions States only. This way of presenting the question on the
legal plane has
The argument would have convinced us completely
not been lost on us.
if there were not, on the other side, the jurisprudence represented by
previous
decisions in the matter,
RSH/op
RSH/ep
A/PY,1609
87
(Mr, Gallin-Douathe. Central
African Republic
Therefore, for these reasons the delegation of the Central African
Republic will support without reservation draft resolution A/L.532,
which merely recalls
that the question of representation is an important question and that an
appropriate
proçedure has to be applied,
Draft resolution A/L.531 has been carefully studied by us since it deals
with the substance of the matter and tries to get the General Assembly
to expel
the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek and to seat the representatives
of Peking Chine, a huge continent which is a living reality in all
fields, especially
because of its demographic power, the dynamic organization of ite
political and
social system, and its capacity and its technological advancement, which
are in the process of transforming China into a great Power whose
effective preemce in our Organization and co-operation in decisions
affecting the maintenance of international peace and security would
contribute to establishing
with benefit the much-desired balance of the forces which divide the
world.
It is in the name of the universal, nature which must be ensured for our
Organization that the representation of the People's Republic of Chine
in the United
Nations is requested, with the restoration of the lawful rights which it
claims,
These are the only elemente, While they show that legally Peking is a
major Pover, and there is no doubt about that, they would have stood to
gain from the presence
in favour of this doctrine or thesis of other no less important elements
which would have enabled us, once and for all, to convince ourselves
that Peking China no
longer has the obvious and public contempt which it has proclaimed for
our Organization, thus gravely impinging upon the moral authority of the
United Nations.
We would also have liked to have seen in support of this doctrine
another
element based on a sincere desire to co-operate in the policy of
peaceful
coexistence and to replace the myth of destructive war with a genuine
love for
pasca, The absence of such positive elements reinforces our conviction
that
the Peking Goverment refuses to join our ranks freely in order to engage
in
the pescaful co-operation which all of us wish to see achieved. In the
absence
of any act of candidacy by the authority concerned, we consider that the
request
made by others cannot be countenanced, Merefore, my delegation will not
support draft resolution A/E.531, which seeks to seat the
representatives of the People's
Republic of China.
+
L
We now co
A/FV.1609
88-90
(Mr. Gellin-Douathe. Central
African Republic)
to draft resolution A/1.533, and we wish to tribute to its
ponsors, because thanks to their efforts we are seized of a balanced and
impartial proposal with very clear-cut wording and without any elements
of passion.
Instead of sanctioning the intransigence with which others would like to
see
the matter solved and instead of the complete famobility which is
usually the end result of our debate on this matter, draft resolution
A/L.533 suggests the
creation of an ad hoc committee to undertake unofficial contacts in the
area în
order to find a solution to this problem, taking into account the
existing situation. This undoubtedly is a new approach towards the
settlement of the
question, and we think of the theory of two Chinsa. But one seems to
forget that
the coexistence in the United Nations of two Chinus, if it were to
become a
reality, would not solve the difficult problem of the present seat of
Taiwan China, and this would be tantamount to adding another difficulty
to those which
already exist. We are sceptical of this prospect, not only because
Taipeh China is fiercely opposed to the schmission of Peking China to
the United Nations, but the latter has put forward a previous condition
about its entry into our Organization before the question of its
application is even debated here.
For all these reasons, the Central African Republic finds draft
resolution A/L.533 is not fully acceptable. Therefore, it will not
support it.
MP/TA-J
A/PV.1609
91
MP/nl-j
A/PV.1609
92
Mr. IGNATTEFF (Canada): I wish briefly to explain the votes of the
adian delegation on the various draft resolutions on Chinese
representation
now before the Assembly,
We are naturally disappointed that again this year the Chinese
representation issue has not been brought any closer to a solution.
The Canadien delegation, in accordance with long-established Canadian
policy,
vill vote in favour of the concept that this is an important matter, not
only in
the specific Juridical terms of Article 18 of the Charter, but also in
the far
broader and more general contact of international relations. We believe
that
vhile there may be strong pressures for a solution based on the views of
a staple
majority of our membership, such a solution would in fact be unworkable,
unless at
least two thirds of our Members gave it their active support, including,
I would
suggest, the major vorld Powers.
on th
On the substance of the femur, ve vill abstain,
we did last year
resolution put forward by Cambodia, and a group of other co-sponsors,
That
resolution, drafted in familiar terms, is no more satisfactory to us
than the
only other option with which this Assembly has been presented -- that
is, to
ignore the existence of the People's Republic of China,
The Canadian Secretary of State for External Affairs, Mr. Paul Hartín,
suggested to this Assdubly last year that neither of those options took
account
of the fundamental, changes which have occurred in Chips since the
United Nations
was established, Nor did they point to a rational solution of the
probles, He
suggested at that time that, rather than continue in either of those two
sterile
directions, the Assembly might better address itself to seeking an
interie
arrangement which would allow the maximum participation of the people of
China
in our Organization, without depriving those who already belong of the
voice to
which they have as much right as anyone else in this Assembly. This, I
would emphasize, is not, as some have called it, a "two-Chinas" policy.
The essence of the Canadian position wma last year, and is now, that the
presentatives of both Governments should be seated here as an interis
solution panding the settlement of the juridical dispute between thes,
We believe that,
(Mr, Ignatieff, Canada)
irrespective of the new factors which recent developments on the
mainland have
introduced, we must continue to work towards the eventual and, in our
view, necessary and effective association of the People's Republic of
China with the
international community. Because the resolution accomplishes only part
of our
objective and does not, in our view, provide a reasonable way out of the
present impasse on the Chinese representation issue, we will abatain on
that proposal, as
we did last year,
As to resolution A/L.533, we will vote in favour of that proposal, as we
did last year, in the belief that its acceptance by the Assembly would
mark a different and possibly fruitful approach to this issue.
In conclusion, as Mr. Martin said in discussing the Chinese
representation question at the Twenty-First United Nations General
Assembly:
"We think that what is at issue here is the capacity of the United
Nations to live up to the purposes of the Charter, to represent the
world
as it is, and to bring the great weight of its influence to bear on the
issues of peace and security. Although, in the nature of things, we can
only sove forward on the basis of resolutions, I think I have made it
clear
that in our view this issue is not amenable to solution on that basis
alone,
It will require the exercise of diplomacy, goodwill and accomodation on
all sides, both within our Organization and without. If that is the
spirit
in which the solution of this issue is approached, then I am not
unhopeful that we say be able to unblock the road to progress towards
making the
United Nations a more effective, a more representative and a sore
credible forum of international deliberation and action." (1475th
meeting, page 17)
ME, DIACONESCU (Romania) (Interpretation from French): The Romanian
delegation would like to explain its position on draft resolutions
A/L.532 and A/L.533, as well as with regard to the motion made by the
delegation of Australia,
In the course of the general debate on the question before us, the
Romanian
delegation has adduced the arguments according to which the restoration
of the
lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations
calls for a simpla majority, and not a two thirds anjority, as draft
resolution A/1.532 would
provide.
MP/nl-1
A/FV.1609 93-95
[Mr. Diaconescu, Romania
PKB/tom
A/PV.1609
96
Mr. Diaconescu, Romania)
Since no one challenges the fact that China is a Member State of the
United
Nations the only duty incumbent upon the General Assembly is to assure,
in the
case of China as well, respect for the principles of the Charter which
require
sach Member State to be represented by the Government which effectively
exercises
authority over the territory of the State in question.
Now, there can be no doubt whatsoever that, in the case of China, that
Government is the Government of the People's Republic of China.
Certainly, no State can exercise the functione devolving on it as a
Member of the United Nationa
if its seat is occupied by persons other than the envoys of its real and
effective
Government, From that flows the need to give the true representatives of
China
the chance, in accordance with the Charter, to occupy their rightful
place in the United Nations Organization, as well as in its various
bodies,
However, the representation of a Member State, as we know, is subject to
the procedure of verification of credentials provided for by Article 28
of the rules of procedure, according to which the decisions taken in
that regard shall be on the basis of a simple majority. This procedure
has been respected in all cases,
with the exception of that of China, in which, according to the draft
resolution
based on the theory of important questions, a two-thirds mejority would
be necessary to invalidate the full credentials presented by the
emissaries of
Chiang Kai-shek.
Thus we see, na clearly as possible, the discriminatory nature of
resolution 1668 (XVI), which the delegations of the United States and
fourteen other States
are trying to maintain.
|
!
1
Thus, as clearly as possible, we see the discriminatory nature of
resolution (XVI) which the delegations of the United States and fourteen
other States are
trying to maintain. Basically, the yearly repetition and reaffirmation
of this draft resolution is certainly not proof of the solidity of the
position that this draft resolution is intended to defend. It is rather
a recognition of the very weakness of that resolution. Lacking in
argumentation that might have even the slightest chance of persuading
anybody, those who oppose the favourable solution of the problem
continue to resort to procedural subterfuges.
The Romanian delegation certainly does not underestimate the role to be
played by procedure. Strict respect for all the rules within the
framework of our
Organization is essential to ensure the adequate and normal functioning
of our
Organization and the fulfilment of the aims and encouragement and
respect for the principles set forth in the Charter.
It is well known that in any institutional system the norms governing
procedure must make possible the application of the system required by
the very organization
these rules are supposed to govern. But, the United Nations can be no
exception and it is only by vitiating the procedural rules that thus far
the road to the solutions indicated by the principles of the Charter has
been barred and made impossible.
Resolution 1668 (XVI) of the General Assembly, according to which in
order to modify the representation of Chine in the United Nations a
two-thirds majority would be called for, is one of the most recent
expressions of this vitiating of the terms of our Organization. The
Romanian delegation in the course of previous
sessions bes already explained the reasons for which we considered
resolution 1668 (VI) to be incompatible with the provisions of the
Charter as well as the norms and practices of every-day international
law.
In order to reaffirm this resolution, Article 18 of the Charter is very
often
Invoked. May we be allowed to recall that within the framework of the
Charter the general rule concerning the adoption of decisions is by a
simple majority. Article 10 lists a series of exceptions to this rule
and this is a limited
enumeration of the type of problems which would call for a two-thirds
majority.
This is done in paragraphs 2 of the känt Article. Paragraph 3 of that
same
Article gives the General Assembly the right to establish; categories of
questions to be decided by a two-thirds majority".
++
additional
PKB/
A/PV.1609 97
PXB/23
A/PV.1609
98-100
(Mr. Diaconescu, Rom
Therefore, a simple majority is required for all problems before the
General Assembly excepting those listed in a limitative fashion in the
Charter as well as any other new categories of questions to be
determined by the General Assembly.
This interpretation that move from the very terms of the charter has
been confirmed by the norms of international law, and thus, according to
Professor Ricardo Monaco of the University of Rome:
"The two-thirds majority is required for the decisions that the Assembly
may adopt on a series of questions expressly listed in Article 18. This
means that a question, although it might appear important, can still be
solved by a simple majority if it is not included in the listing made in
this Article, namely, Article 18."
H
After having mentioned that, generally speaking a simple majority is
required for the adoption of decisions on all questions except those
listed in paragrapha 2 and 3 of Article 18, the well-known treatise on
international law of Oppenheim-
Lauterpacht also state:
"If a problem, even an important one, is not listed in paragraph 2 or
has not been expressly included in a category for which a two-thirds
majority is required, it can be the subject of a recommendation on the
basis of a simple majority,"
But, the question of the representation of China in the United Nations,
or, more specifically, the restoration of the lawful rights of the
People's Republic of Chine, enters into none of the categories listed in
paragraph 2 of Article 18. Can anyone thus contend that it is a new
catagory or an additional category in accordance with the terms of
paragraph 31 Certainly not.
In view of the fact that the provisions of the Charter regulating the
subst of this problem are not palatable to the advocates of the
two-thirds majority, stratages was finally resorted to. In point of fact
we are not told that the problem is important in accordance with the
terms of Article 18 of the Charter, nor that it is an additional
category of problems which has been decided upon on the basis of
paragraph 3 of Article 18. We are told purely and simply that this is an
important question in the normal understanding of the word "important",
!
I
(Mr. Diaconescu, România
But, for a question to be subject to the two-thirds majority it is not
sufficient to call into the terms of the Charter that it be important
according to
ommon definition of the term. It has to be important from the standpoint
of the definition of Article 15, namely, that it satisfies all the
requirements
contained in paragraphs 2 and 3 of that Article. And, furthermore, that
has been
the opinion of all the interpreters of the Charter.
To we still have to stress the fact that all problems debated by this
Assembly are important problems that have a bearing on the entire world
and mankind? But, their solution has not called for a two-thirds
sajority in all cases, On the contrary, extremely important questions,
but questions that do not fall within the categories of paragraphs 2 and
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.