A/PV.1609
$2
If ve are agreed that what we have to consider is the Goverment of that
entity known sa the State of China, which was in contemplation when the
provisions of Article 3 of the Charter vare drafted, we should not be
captivated by the engaging and almost bewitching subtlety of the
argument underlying the Australian draft resolution. It could well
provide the material for the emergence of a modern school of sophiste.
By the same token, the statistical
data cited by the supporters of the Chiang Kai-shek group are totally
irrelevant, The right of representation here does not depend on
questions of population and per capita income. A clafs that needs the
support of such feehle arguments
could not have such substance,
The Australien draft resolution recalls and reaffimas General Assembly
resolution 1668 (XVI) of 15 December 1961 to the effect that any
proposal to change the representation of China is an important question
requiring a two thirda majority of those present and voting. The history
of this aspect of the problem is a sad commentary on the irresponsible
manipulation of the provisions of the Charter to thwart its lawful
application and circumvent vell-recognized norms for determining the
identity of the legal goverment of a country. I submit that a
constitutional device which has been created by lawmakers to prevent the
abuse of power by a group which conends a bare majority in an elected
parliament, especsilly a majority which, owing to one of those inherent
eccentricities and contradictions of democratic procedures and practice,
might not be representative of a cajority of the people which returned
it to power, is being perverted into a means for the perpetuation of the
most grotesque incongruity and the gravest injustice in the annals of
the United Nations. It exposes a monumental arcealy in the Charter in
that it establishes the absolute supremacy of a simple majority by
failing to make explicit and
exhaustive the scope of application of the two thirds majority rule.
Article 18 (3) brings out the essentially negative character of what
should have been a purely positive provision. We could demonstrate this
aspect of the metter by proposing that the Australian draft resolution
itself be treated as an important question requiring a two thirds
majority for its adoption, If we secured a simple majority for such a
proposal we should be ensuring the defeat of the draft resolution.
Admittedly, a simple majority for the proposal, if obtainable, could
Mr. Amerasinghe, Ceylon)
We feel that the draft
be available also to defeat the draft resolution.
resolution itself should be subjected to the test of importance that it
prescribes
the proposal to change the representation of China.
By far the most objectionable feature of the Australian draft resolution
is
that it is tantamount to a revision of the Charter without the
requirement of
a two thirds majority.
I should like now to make a few observations regarding the Italian draft
resolution. There is no doubt that the sponsors of that draft resolution
and
those who are in sympathy with it are assailed by qualas of conscience
and honestly seek a means of resolving their doubts and escaping from
their dile It would appear that they realize that if international
co-operation is to be a reality and if the concept of universal peace is
to be pursued genuinely such aims and objectives are not reconcilable
with the ostracim and isolation without, of course, containment of the
largest State in the world. In sixteen years of debate not a single
aspect of this question has escaped attention. No smount of examination
by any committee can produce a solution if it starts on the premise that
there are two different governments of the State of China and if its
main purpose is to confer legality on the fugitive Chiang Kai-shek
régime and to extract from the People's Republic of China, as the price
of its
representation here, the remunciation of its clains to Taiwan, A nation
of than 700 million people cannot be expected to subject itself to such
a humiliation, There would be nothing left of the dignity and
self-respect of the peoples of Asia
if they allowed themselves to be a party to such a settlement.
For
What we seek is not merely the proper representation of the People's
Republic of China but the proper representation of Asia and its peoples.
those fellow Asians who do not at the moment share that aspiration, this
need. entail the abandonment of their present friendships but only a
renewal of friendships on terms which could turn out to be more
favourable to Asin as and to those nations outside the arms which wished
to act in partnership with it.
This does not imply in the least that we contemplate the creation of two
Chines.
Therefore, what we need today is a vote of Astana for Asians ** a vote
for the
Albanian resolution, which we are confident will be a vote for the
ultimate
objective of international harmony and peace.
ET/Op
4/PV, 1609
53-55
(Mr. Agorasinghe, Geylon)
Among those who are opposed to the Albanian resolution is a powerful
nation whose people are known and respected for their natural greatness
of heart and spirit. He believe that that greatness of heart and spirit
can find its full expression only when it has freed itself from the
fetters of what it conceives to be the obligations of power. A heavy
responsibility rests with the United States, but to discharge that
responsibility it needs the sasistence of its Asian allies. We hope that
that assistance will be fortheozing, if not today
at least when next we meet,
In conclusion, I should like to observe that ve night move more speedily
towards a solution of this problem if we woke up to the realization of
the fact that it is not the People's Republic of China that needs the
United Nations but rather the United Nations that needs the People's
Republic of China,
Mг. MONTENEGRO MEDRANO (Nicarague) (interpretation from Spanish): This
as in many previous years, the General Assembly is considering the
question of the admission of the People's Republic of China which has
been put before it by various delegations by means of draft resolution
A/L.531 and Add.1.
Once again
that highly important question is receiving our attention.
Once again,
throughout long days, we have listened to statemente from this rostrum
by many delegations explaining their points of view and their arguments
in favour of these texts. Once again there has been an emmeration of the
reasons which have led the unofficial supporters of the People's
Republic of China to initiate proposals for its admission, as well as
the replies of their opponents, which must undoubtedly leed us to the
conviction that ve are confronted with sn important question which vill
have undeniable repercussions throughout the world and on the very
structure of this Organization, and to which the provision of Article 18
(2) of the Charter, that such a decision requires a two thirds aajority
for adoption, aust be applied.
The delegation of Nicaragua, interpreting the letter and the spirit of
the Charter, has co-sponsored draft resolution A/L. 532 and Add.1, which
confirms the continued validity of the decision taken by the General
Asscmbly that any proposal for changing the representation of China is
an important question which has to be decided by a two thirds mejority,
in accordance with previous resolutions of the General Assembly dated 15
December 1961 (1668 (XVI)), 17 November 1965 (2025 (xx)) and 29 November
1966 (2159 (XXI)).
EMH/nl-j
A/PV.1609
56
(Mr. Montenegro Medrano,
Nicaragua
The background and Jurisprudence of this subject must, because of the
importance of the body that has established it, remain valid, The
provisions that have been sited, particularly paragraph 2 of Article 18
of the Charter, are perfectly clear, Supecially since the Albanian draft
proposes the admission of a new Mégher and the expulsion of another, The
position of Nicaragua has remained unchanged in the consideration of
this subject, because we believe that the motives and the circumstances
surrounding our views remain the salė,
What is being proposed is that the United Nations should admit a nation
which has not expressed its will or intention to be a Member of the
Organization but which, on the contrary, has repudiated the existence of
the Organization and advocated its disappearance and its replacement by
another of a Marxist-Leninist revolutionary type, We are speaking of a
system which is characterized by its violence in international
relations, which refuses to recognize that conflicts must be resolved by
peaceful means and which has resorted to intimidation and force against
the territorial integrity and political independence of other States,
all in open contradiction to the principles of the Charter and of the
Organization,
The Albanian draft calls not only for the admission of a very powerful
nation which possesses great military and nuclear strength and
constantly threatens International peace and security but also for the
immediate expulsion of a founding Hamber of the United Nations, a
permanent member of the Security Council, a nation which has
scrupulously fulfilled its obligations and co-operated efficiently with
the Organization in the implementation of its decisions and
resolutions,
The delegation of Nicaragua agrees that our Organization should be
universal, However, we cannot agree that to preserve such a principle ve
should violate the Charter and shatter its principles, nor that we
should admit a State which has given no proof that it vishes to abide by
the jurisdiction of the Organization or to
adjust its conduct in keeping with the traditions of peaceful
coexistence. would we support or vote in favour of the injustice of the
expulsion of a Member State like the Republic of China which has been
exemplary in its respect for
Nor
and collaboration with the United Nations in the fulfilment of its
duties and
purposes.
HR/12-J
A/PV.1609
57
EMH/T1-J
(Mr. Montenegro Medrano,
Nicaragua)
A/PV.1609 58-60
(Mr. Montenegro Medrano,
Nicaragua)
There is a consensus that this is an important question and that it has
priority over other draft resolutions that we are considering. Obviously
neither the Albanian draft nor that submitted by Italy and other
delegations car possibly challenge my statement, nor do they advocate or
ask that this matter be solved by a staple majority vote. That is
obvious, because first a method or procedure of voting must be adopted
to enable us to know how many votes ara
necessary for the resolution to be adopted, We deplore the fact that
mainland
China, because of its conduct, because the spokesmen of its Government
have said, is not worthy to be a Member of the United Nations, since of
its own volition it has excluded itself.
of
We do not want, either, the absurd and scandalous situation to occur
that If the People's Republic of China were admitted it should be
allowed to brag and boast that it was not ready to enter our
Organization and that it bad
not applied for membership.
We do not deny that the draft resolution in document A/L.533 is imbued
with best of purposes and would appear to propose a compromise formula
for this thorny problem, but, aware of all the elements and all that has
been said during the many years that we have discussed the subject,
deeply aware of the position of intransigence of the official spokemen
for mainland China and the refusal of that country to be a member of our
Organization, we believe that such conciliatory gesture would lead
nowhere and the healthy intentions of its Co-sponsors would be wasted,
In our societies, those who do not adapt themselves to the legal and
moral system of life of the majority are punished until there is a
healthy cleansing of their personalities and their anti-social conduct
is changed. At the international level in the world community we must
adopt the same attitude towards those who show the same symptoms of
being misfits when we deal with the norms governing
relations among States, We therefore continue to believe that mainland
China, despite the number of inhabitants dominated by its Government,
despite the size of its territory, despite its military and nuclear
progress, does not deserve to Hember of our Organization, nor has it
shown any readiness to be a Member,
We believe this because we contime to ascribe supremacy to the strength
of law and no importance to the law of strength. We repeat that, as long
as
Antransigent and unrealistic proposals are submitted to us, and the
conduct of
mainland China remains unchanged, and delegations such as mine are
offered no
alternative containing a viable, logical and humana solution to this
important
question, then, in accordance with the principles, the spirit and the
very
wording of the Charter, our delegation vill vote against such proposals.
THE PRESIDENT: We have now heard all the speakers in the debate on
this item,
The representative of China has expressed the desire to exercise his
right
of reply, and I now call upon him,
Mr. LIU (China): Some of the statements made in the course of the
prosent debat cannot be allowed to pass unchallenged. The apologists of
th communist Chinese régime have shown a remarkable capacity for
distorting the facts
to suit their specious reasoning. They have painted for us a glowing
picture of
Peiping which bears no rese-blance whatsoever to reality. Perhaps the
most
significant thing about their statements is not what they have actually
said but
what they have left unsaid, They bave, for example, auch to say about
the
peaceful intentions of Peiping but little or nothing about the réginata
record
of aggression and subversion. They are for ever telling us about the 700
million
people and their cultural heritage, but they have closed their eyes to
the chaos
and tumsoil created by the Red Guarda, They are insistent that without
the
participation of Peiping most of the problems now confronting the
Organization would be incapable of solution, but they are silent about
the régine's declared
intention to reform ** or rather destroy - the United Nations.
AP/20
A/PV.1609
61
AP/ICE
(Mr. Liu, China)
Strange as it may seem, the most sedant champions of the Chinese
communist
cause in the United Nations are no longer members of the Soviet bloo.
This is
because they, more than any other delegations in the Assembly, know by
experience
that Peiping represents the greatest disruptive influence in the world
today. The
prospect of having the Chinese communist régime admitted to the world
Organization is, therefore, not one likely to gladden the hearts of
those who are about to read
Peiping out of the communist camp for having torn saunder the
international
communist movement.
For some years Cambodia has played a leading role in campaigning for the
seating of Peiping. This year the representative of Cambodia again took
liberty
with the truth by saying that Taivan is under United States military
occupation.
Indeed, Taiwan is an integral part of China. It is one of China's
provinces. My
Government, the only constitutional Government of China, is now based on
that
Chinese province. And as the legitimate Government of Chips, my
Government is
capable of articulating the wishes and aspirations of the Chinese people
everywhere,
of speaking on their behalf, in their name as well as in their
interests.
The Goverment of the Republic of China, like all free Governments, is
free
to enter into alliances with any country it chooses. That, as we bave
made it
clear time and again, is an exercise of its sovereign prerogative. We
have no
apologies to make to anyone about the military and security arrangements
we have
made with our allies in defence of freedom in our part of the world.
It was the Government of the Republic of China that participated in the
founding of the United Nations. The legal status of this Government has
not
changed since then. There has been no break in the contimity of
leadership or of policies. The fact that Mao Tse-tung and his gang are
presently in occupation of
the mainland of China does not affect this legal status, The Government
of the Republic of Chins alone has the right to represent the Chinese
people in the world
community. That right cannot be taken away and given to a régine which
owes its origin to foreign aggression.
A/PV.1609
62
(Mr. Liu, China)
The Assembly may recall what the Cambodian Chief of State, Prince
Sihanouk, had
to say about the threat to his country posed by the Chinese communists.
It is thus
¡fficult to imagine that Cambodia's championship of the Chinese
communist cause in vie United Nations is rooted in the conviction that
there are indeed "lawful rights"
to be "restored" to Peiping. It is perhaps nearer to the truth to say
that it is
fear of Peiping rather than any abstract legal principle that has
prompted Cambodia
to play the Chinese communist game.
What is true of Cambodia is equally true of some other Asian countries
such as
Ceylon whose representative has just given us one of the most lengthy
discourses in
this present debate. The statements made by the representatives of those
countries
cannot be taken as the true voice of Asia, No one under the stress of
fear can be
expected to speak freely and truthfully.
It is distressing to observe that countries which are now the targets of
Peiging's most menacing threats continue to spout platitudes about the
advisability
of admitting Peiping. Burme, as we know, is one of the latest victims of
Peiping's
aggressive policy. Yet the representative of Burns told us the other day
that his Government would continue to vote for Peiping's admission.
Judging by the contents
of his speech, it is difficult to believe that he really meant what he
said. It is
even more difficult to believe that his statement reflected the true
sentiments of
the Burmese people.
On the other hand, there are Asian countries notably Japan, the
Philippines
and Thailand which are not afraid to say what they believe. They
recognize the
danger posed by Peiping. But they do not believe that timidity and
defeatim are
the answer to the threat. On the contrary, they are convinced that in
meeting the
Chinese communist challenge there is no substitute for moral and
physical strength.
Theirs is the true and authentic voice of the Asian peoples.
It is gratifying to note that recently there has been a perceptible
change in
the attitude of those Asian countries which have hitherto been Peiping's
most ardent supporters. The change has been gradual and slow, but it is
none the less real. More than ever before, they have begun to question
the soundness of their policies.
It seems that the business of championing the Chinese communist cause in
the thḥited
Nations has not been a rewarding one for most of them.
AP/1
A/PV.1609
63
AP/com
A/PV.1609 54-65
(Mr. Liu, China)
Albania has long been known as the "mouthpiece" of Peiping. It was our
expectation that the speech of the representative of Albania would be
replete witę
the same tissue of fabrications, absurdities, distortions and slanders
against
Government as he has been in the habit of weaving for a number of years.
In this be has not disappointed us. But the main burden of his speech is
not so much concerned with the question of the represectation of China
as with what he has called the Counter-revolutionary unholy alliance
between the United States and the Soviet Union. Inasmuch as Soviet
revisionism is the target of his bitterest eks, I think it is
the Soviet delegation rather than mine that should reply to the
representative of
Albania.
It seems to my delegation that there prevails a basic misconception
about the
whole question of the representation of Chine in the United Nations.
misconception is shared avan by some of the delegations which have
consistantly supported the rightful position of my delegation in the
United Nations. That is the belief, or rather the mistaken belief, that
Members of the Assembly are obliged
to find some sort of compromise solution to the so-called question of
Chinese
representation. This has led the Italian Goverment, with which my
Government saintains very friendly relations, to reintroduce the
proposal (A/L.533) calling
for the creation of an ad hog committee to study and explore the
situation.
For our part, we are opposed to the very idea of study and exploration.
The
issues involved in the so-called question of Chinese representation are
clear
enough. No study or exploration is required for their understanding. In
fact, as
far as my Government is concerned, no such question exists. China's seat
in the
United Nations has from the very beginning been occupied by the lawful
representative of the Chinese people; the Goverment of the Republic of
Chine. No
other party can legitimately lay claim to it. Indeed, no one has laid
clain to it.
The whole debate has thus an air of unreality about it. It is certainly
not the
Chinese people who have naked Albania, Cambodia or my other country to
call into question my Government's rightful position in the United
Nations. It is Albania, Cambodia and their friends which have arrogated
to themselves the right to speak for the Chinese people. The Chinese
people, wherever they can be haard, categorically repudiate such
arrogation.
(Mr. Liu, China)
The representative of Italy, in introducing draft resolution A/L.533,
said that had based his proposal on the principle of universality. My
delegation has had occasion to state our views on this much-invoked and
much-abused principle. It is a matter of record that the United Nations
via never intended to be a universal. organization. The concept of
universality was discussed at length at San Francisco, but it failed to
find its way into the Charter. It may be that universality is a
goal towards which the United Nations should move. But there is no
question that the principles of the Charter must take precedence over
the idea of universality. However that may be, it is our contention that
the principle of universality does not even arise in this connexion. It
is misleading to argue that just because the Chinese communists are not
seated, the 700 million people on the mainland of China are not
represented in the United Nations. The fact is that they have been
properly represented in the true sense by the Government of the Republic
of China since 1945. Only the Goverment of the Republic of China can
speak for the Chinese people and give expression to their true wishes
and aspirations. Only the Government of the Republic of Chins can bring
to bear on the deliberations of this body the genuine feelings and views
of the Chinese people. Had it not been for this Government, the woes and
sufferings of the oppressed millions on the mainland of China would not
have been heard in these halls.
1
AW/en
A/PV.1609
66
(
AW/eh
A/PV.1609
67
(Mr. Sani, Indonesia)
No issue on the agenda of the Assembly is so fraught with fateful
conséqueness for the Chinese people, for world peace, and for the future
of the United Nations itself, as the so-called question of the
representation of China. Never has the Organization had so much to lose
by adding to ite asmbership a régime which is totally committed to its
destruction. I BE confident that the Albanien draft resolution (A/L.531)
will be rejected by a decisive majority. I have explained why the
Italian draft resolution (A/L.533) is not acceptable to my delegation
and I hope the Assembly will view it in the same light. My delegation,
however, urges the adoption of draft resolution A/2.532 which asks the
Assembly to reaffirm its previous decision that, in secordance with
Article 18 of the Charter, any proposal
to change the representation of Chins requires a two-thirds majority.
The PRESIDENT: I shall now give the floor to the representatives
wish to mplain their votes before the vote.
Mr. SANI (Indonesia): The Indonesian delegation would like to make
the following statement in explanation of its vote on the question of
the
representation of China in the United Nations.
Leat year, Indonesia voted in favour of the representation of the
People's
Republic of China in the United Nations. Indonesia maintained its
position
in spite of the evidence of the involveumt of the Government of the
People's Republic of China in the abortive coup d'état of October 1965,
and in spite
of the increasingly hostile attitude of that Government towarda
Indonesia..
During the past year, the Goverment of the People's Republic of China
has continued its open enmity toward the Government and people of
Indonesia,
which it has constantly attacked and provoked through its radio
broadcasts, its newspapers and other publications.
Fugitives of the group involved in the abortive coup are being given
refuge in China. They are being assisted by the Government of the
People's
Republic of China to continue their subversive activities against the
Government and the people of Indonesia. The Peking Government, through
every means at its disposal, has continuously and systematically incited
the banned Peking-oriented Communist Party of Indonesia to commit
subversive god rebellious activities detrimental to the successful
implementation of 6. new Government's programme of achieving economic
stability and rehabilitation, and harmful to our national security. In
these subversive activities the Goverment of the People's Republic of
Chine, through its Embassy in Djakarta, has made use of the large
overseas Chinese commity living in Indonesia. It is clear that the
Indonesian Government and people cannot remain passive in the face of
provocations, insulta and subversive activities endengaring their
national integrity and security. The Indonesian Government must take
adequate measures to safeguard its national interest.
It may be recalled that as a result of the colonial system of the past
the indigenous Indonesian siddle class of traders and middlegen has been
eliminated. In its place came the Chinese vho, making good use of their
In the end they occupied privileged position, became increasingly
strong.
an important position in the nation's economic life, which the
Government of the People's Republic of China is now trying to use as an
instrument for its subversive activities and its direct interference in
the internal affairs of Indonesia. This created a feeling of indignation
among the Indonesian people which manifested itself in demonstrations
against the Chinese Embassy
in Djakarta.
Demonstrations have been followed by counter-demonstrations. There is
one very marked difference, however, between demonstrations in Djakarta
and those in Peking. In Djakarta, the Indonesian Government has always
fulfilled its obligations to protect the Chinese Embassy and its
personnel, while in Peking, on the other hand, the demonstrations vere
organized and carried out with the full knowledge and complicity of the
Government of the People's Republic of China. This allowed the
Indonesian Embassy in Peking to be subjected, in early August of this
year, to five consecutive days and nights of demonstrations which ended
in the burning of the Embassy itself with all its contents, documents,
office furniture, cars and personal belongings of the Embassy staff,
vithout the Chinese Government doing anything about it.
AW/eh
A/PV.1609
68
AW/eh
A/PV,1609 69-70
(My. Sani, Indonesia)
(Hr. Sani, Indonesia)
When Indonesia declared some members of the Chinese Embassy in Djakarta
persona non gratą, because of their open interference in our internal
affairs, these Chinese diplomats were accorded the necessary protection
so that they could leave Indonesia unhindered and unsolested. But when
in reprisal Indonesian diplomats were declared persoņa non grata by the
Government of the People's Republic of China, they, along with their
wives and children, were abused, insulted, and manhandled when they vere
leaving China. This,
As this kind of of course, erested a strong popular reaction in
Indonesia. irresponsible behaviour by the Government of the People's
Republic of China has been experienced by other nations here present, I
will limit myself to stating these gross violations against established
practice in international relations without further elaboration.
When
As a result of the complete destruction of the Indonesian Embassy In
Peking, the mission was no longer in a position to fulfil its duties.
Indonesia's repeated demands for adequate facilities for its Babassy to
the perform its minimum duties vere rejected by the Chinese Government,
Indonesian Government decided to withdraw its personnel, from China.
When permission for these personnel to leave China vas not granted by
the Goverment of the People's Republic of China, the Indonesian
Government informed the Chinese Government on 23 October 1967 that, in
conformity with its earlier decision to evacuate all Indonesian Embassy
personnel from Peking, all Chinese Embassy and consular personnel were
to be recalled from Indonesia. Since 31 October 1967 there has no longer
been an Indonesian diplomatic mission in China noe a Chinese diplomatic
mission in Indonesia.
Hy delegation considers it necessary to give this brief explanation of
the deteriorating bilateral relations between Indonesia and the
Government of the People's Republic of China during the past year with
the hope that the position of sy delegation on the question of the
representation of China in the United Nations will be better understood.
P
The facts I have just mentioned make the question of the representation
of thing of great importance to Indonesia. The position of China in
world
kirs and especially its role in South East Asia underlines this
importance; The gravity of this issue to the United Nations is also
evident by the fact that the People's Republic of China has become one
of the world's nuclear Powers. The question of the representation of the
People's Republic of China has increased in importance not only to
Indonesia but to the United Nations as vell. My delegation vill maintain
ita position of last year by casting its vote in favour of draft
resolution A/L.532.
DR/ap
A/FV.1609
71
DR/SP
A/PV.1609
72
(Mr. Sani, Indonesia)
(Mr. Sani. Indonesia)
Mery delegations have stated their views for or against the seating of
We have followed them the People's Republic of Chine in the United
Nations. with the ame great Interest that ve have in the past sixteen or
seventeen years. My delegation therefore does not think that it is
really necessary for this Assembly to make a special study of the
matter.
As for the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, it will continue to
uphold the principle of universality of membership of the United
Nations. Indonesia remains dedicated to the lofty purposes and
principles of this Organization. In the words of my Foreign Minister in
his address to the General Assembly in September of this year:
"Each new session...brings with it a new opportunity to demonstrate
again our commitment to the ideals...and principles of the Charter."
(1572nd meeting, p. 36)
Indonesia, committed as it is to these ideals and principles of the
United Nations, vill always oc-operate to further the cause of peace and
security In the world and in South-East Asia in particular. We in
Indonesia are facing
■ difficult struggle to achieve economic rehabilitation and development;
the recent actions of the People's Republic of China, both overt and
covert, are directed against our efforts. Indonesia and the other
countries in South-east Asia need peace, real peace, for the successful
implementation of their economic and development programes. That is one
of the reasons why Indonesia wants China to become a responsible Member
of this international body and also
It is the view why it wants to see a pesceful solution to the war in
Viet-Nan, of my delegation that many of the obstacles to peace could be
reduced if the People's Republic of China were represented in the United
Nations and thus in a position to be confronted openly and directly with
organized world opinion and exposed to a responsible dialogue with it.
Because of this, and in spite of the deteriorating bilateral relations
between Indonesia and the People's Republic of China and in spite of the
fact that the Chinese Government by its subversive activities and
hostile attitude continuse to interfere in our internal affairs,
Indonesia vill rensin dedicated to the principles of the United Nations.
Indonesia will continue to support the roke of the United Nations as a
centre for harmonizing the actions of nations
for peace and progress, even in the face of increasing doubts as to
whether the Goverment of the People's Republic of China really and
sincerely desires to
e represented in the United Nations and is indeed willing to uphold the
Indonesia's basic considerations purposes and principles of the Charter,
as to the question of the representation of China in the United Nations
has not changed, notwithstanding the state of our bilateral relations
with the Government of the People's Republic of China.
My delegation therefore does not object to the representation of the
People's Republic of China in the United Nations and will cast its vote
in favour of draft resolution A/L.531.
Mr. VAKIL (Iran) (interpretation from French): Once again we have before
us a number of draft resolutions concerning the difficult problem of the
admission of the People's Republic of China, At the outset, I must say
that we think, in conformity with the principle of universality which
at the very basis of our organization, that this country should be
represented
in the United Nations.
However, the question is not as simple as it would appear at first
sight. If my delegation abstained in the last two years both from taking
part in the debate and from voting, it was because ve felt that the
problem of the admission of the People's Republic of China vas not
placed in its proper context. This year ve have decided to speak out
clearly in the hope of being able to contribute to the clarification of
this problem.
The first question posed to us is one of procedure, that is, to decide
whether or not this is an important question. How can it be said that
this is merely a change of régiae in a country and that a choice must be
made between the Governments which clain to represent the Chinese
people? But that is precisely the whole difficulty of
There are, on the probles. the one hand, more than 700 million people
who have set up a Government and who have a perfect right to be heard in
our Organization. On the other hand, there are more than 12 million
people organized under the Government which is represented here. To
claim that this is a simple problem would be contrary to reality. If we
seriously wish the People's Republic of China
DR/OP
A/PV.1509
73
DR/ap
(Mr. Vakil. Iran)
A/PV.1609
74-75
(Mr. Cole, Sierra Leone)
J
to participate in our work, ve must recognize the reality that this is
an important question. Thus, it is in order to place the problem in its
proper context that we propose to vote on this point.
Once this preliminary question has been settled, we will then be called
upon to decide on the substance, that is to say, on the admission of the
People's Republic of China to the United Nations. In this respect, I
wish to repeat that we are completely in favour of the admission of the
People's Republic of China although we do not maintain diplomatic
relations with that We are of the opinion that it is inconceivable that
the objectives of the United Nations, particularly general disarmament
and the control of nuclear armament, can be achieved without the
participation of the People's
Republic of China.
+
If the adadasion of this country did not have as a counterpart in the
draft resolution before us the expulsion of the Government of the
Republic of Chine, with which ve maintain diplomatic relations, we would
have voted in favour of it. However, that is not the case. Consequently,
we cannot adult in the very name of the principle of universality that
Taivan should be denied the right to be represented here as much as all
other Members of the Organization, and that it why we cannot register
the positive vote we would have vished to cast for this draft
resolution. We can only abstain on it,
Mr. COLE (31erra Leone): My Government's stand on the "question
of the Restoration of the Lawful Rights of the People's Republic of
China in the United Nations" was clearly stated during the general
debate in this Assembly on 29 September 1967, in the following terms:
"At this stage, we must again record our conviction that no otiation on
disazaement can hope to succeed when one of the world's muclear Powers,
representing a quarter of the earth's population, is systematically
denied representation in the Organization which bears the sacred
responsibility for preserving peace, We therefore urge that
every effort be made to bring the People's Republic of China into the
United Nations here ve believe its vast resources can be utilized in
the cause of peace. At the same tine my Government will not support any
steps taken toward the expulsion of the Republic of China". (1574th
meeting, PP. 18-20)
That being the case, my delegation finds the proposels contained in
document A/1.531 unacceptable because they embody the proposal
"
...to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek
from...the United Nations and in all the organizations related to it".
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