3 of Article 18, have been solved by the General Assembly by a simple
majority.
We are confronted also by an error in the interpretation of the
treaties. In accordance with unanimously recognized rules, when in an
international treaty a word has a different meaning from its usual
definition, what must prevail is the technical significance of the word.
In other words, what the Charter implies in Article 18 is not the usual
sense of "importance" but the special technical meaning whereby
"important questions before the General Assembly", for which a
two-thirds majority
is required, are important caly and solely according to the terms of
Article 18.
For the reasons I bave just adduced the delegation of Romania will vote
against the draft resolution contained in document A/L.532 submitted by
the delegations of the United States and certain other countries.
Pursuant to these same
arguments, the request for priority to be granted that proposal, seems
even less Justified and the Romanian delegation will vote against the
motion for priority proposed by the delegation of Australia.
With regard to draft resolution A/L.553 we do not believe that it is
conducive to a just solution of the probles. If we have not as yet been
able to restore th lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in
the United Nations, it is not because the facts are little know or
because a supplementary study is called for. All that is necessary, all
that is needed, is that certain countries stop blinding themselves to
the obvious realities. My delegation will vote against that draft
resolution.
ET/eh
A/PV.1609 101
(Mr. Diaconescu, Romania
International law demands the immediate restoration of the lawful rights
of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. The General
Assembly can and must solve this problem in accordance with the Charter
by deciding that the seat of China in the United Nations and all its
organs be occupied by the representatives of the Government of the
People's Republic of China, which is the only one qualified to represent
that great State in the
international community.
The PRESIDENT:
A number of representatives are still inscribed
on the list of those who wish to explain their votes before the vote. As
agreed by the Assembly, they will be given an opportunity to do that at
tomorrow morning's meeting before we proceed to the vote.
Representatives
who wish to explain their vote after the vote will also be given an
opportunity to do so.
In the afternoon, the Assembly will begin its consideration of agenda
item 95 entitled "Need to expedite the drafting of a definition of
aggression
in the light of the present international situation".
The meeting rose at 6.40 p.m.
UNITED NATIONS
GENERAL
ASSEMBLY
President:
A
70
PROVISIONAL
A/PV.1607 24 November 1967
ENGLISH
RECEIVED IN ARCHIVES No 31
- 70
Twenty-second Session
GENERAL ASSEMBLY
PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDRED AND
SEVENTH PLENARY MEETTING
Held at Headquarters, New York, on Friday, 24 November 1967, at 3 p.m.
Mr. MANESCU
.J67
FC2/2
(Romania)
Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in
the United Nations 97 (continued) (a), (b) and (c)
조
This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final
text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.
Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should
be sent in triplicate within three working days, to the Chief,
Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room
1104, and incorporated in mimeographed copies of the record.
AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 27 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR
CORRECTIONS WILL BE 30 NOVEMBER 1967.
Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid
schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this
time-limit would be greatly appreciated.
67-70189
ET/cs
A/PV,1607 2-5
EB/Jv
A/PV,1607
6
(Mr. Kjartansson, Iceland)
ACONDA ITEM 95
RESTORATION THE LAWFUL RIGHS THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE
UNITED
HATIONS:
(a) DRAFT REBOLUTION SUBMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, CONGO
(BRAZZAVILLE)
CUBA, GUINEA, MALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, ROMANIA AND SYRIA (A/L.531);
(b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BELGIUM, BOLIVIA, BRAZȚII,
COLOMBIA, GABON, ITALY, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, NEW ZEALAND, NICARAGUA, THE
PHILIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532
and Add,1)
(c) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY BELGIUM, CHILE, ITALY, LUXEMBOURG AND
TH
NETHERLANDS (A/L.533) (continued)
The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French):
I would resind
representatives that the list of speakers on this item was closed at
noon today.
Mr. KJARTANSSON (Iceland); For seventeen years now the General Assembly
has been debating the question of the representation of China in the
United Nations without having been able to find a way to break the
stalemate which has prevented it from arriving at a positive and
constructive solution to this problem, me
stand which the delegation of Iceland has taken on this question has
been based
on two main considerations. First, it has been our view in previous
years that
the issue of the representation of China is an important one, What is
still the considered opinion of my Govemment. Secondly, the Icelandic
Government bee been opposed to the admission of the People's Republic of
China at the
expense of the membership of the Republic of China. This year again
those considerations will determine the position which we shall take
with regard to the proposals that are before the Assembly for its
consideration.
The draft resolution submitted by Albenia and ten other delegations in
document A/1.531 proposes to sent the People's Republic of China as a
center of the United Nations and simultaneously to expel the Republic of
China,
The Foreign Minister of Iceland, Mr. Bail Jonsson, stated clearly and
unequivocally in his intervention in the general debate on ↳ October
this year
at:
"My Government has not supported, and vill not support, any resolution
that calls for the emission of the People's Republic of China, on the
one hand, and the expulsion of the Republic of China, on the other hand,
This does not mean, however, that ve oppose the admission of the
People's Republic of China. On the contrary, we are fully aware of the
inherent dangers in the present unnatural state of affairs, namely that
in which
4 country which holds one fifth of the population of the world still
stands outside this Organization and appears to have become increasingly
isolated from the world community." (1579th meeting, page 46)
For several years, and up to the last session of the General Assembly,
Icelandic delegation has abstained on the draft resolution submitted by
delegation of Albania and others, We could not
We could not vote in favour of it since we were firmly opposed to the
expulsion of the Republic of China, but ALE WE were not opposed to the
idea për së of the admission of the People's Republic of China we did
not vote against it. Last year, however, the co-sponsors of the Albanian
resolution slightly altered the language used in previous years so as to
ensure that any Member vishing to vote for the admission of the People's
Republic of China would simultaneously, whether it vanted to or not,
vote for the expulsion of the Republic of China.
At the same time a new element vas introduced through the submission of
new draft resolution sponsored by the delegations of Belgium, Chile,
Italy and other Countries. That draft resolution proposed the setting-up
of a committee to study the question in all its aspects and, in essence,
to explore the eventual possibilities and conditions under which it
might prove possible to bring the People's Republic of China into this
Organization without expelling the Republic of China. My delegation
voted in favour of that resolution. We felt that, whatever shortenings
it had, it consituted a new approach to the problem of Chinese
representation in the United Nations, Mary dalagations were of the
opinion that the establishment of such a committee would be a futile
exercise.
BH/JV
A/PV.1607
7-10
(H. Kjartansson, Iceland)
In our view it vas an approach which offered the possibility for the
General Assembly to put an end to a fruitless confrontation of votes and
to break a deadlock which had lasted too long. To our regret, the
proposal of the Italian
delegation and others was rejected.
Having decided to vote in favour of the Italian proposal, which aised at
• search for a positive solution to the problem, the Icelandic
delegation decided last year to vote against the Albanian draft
resolution. By that vote we underlined our opposition to the proposal to
expel the Republic of China from membership of the United Nations,
The delegations of Belgium, Chile, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Italy
have now, again, presented to the General Assembly a draft resolution
(A/L.533) identical to the one presented last year, proposing the
establishment of an ad hoc committee to study the problem of minese
representation in the United Nations and naka appropriate
recommendations to the General Assembly at its twenty-third session for
an equitable and practical solution to the question in keeping with the
purposes and principles of the Charter,
My delegation supports that proposal, In our view this problem cannot be
reduced to mere rival claims to the same seat by two different
Governments,
The membership of the Republic of China since the establishment of this
Organization is an historical and a political reality, The Republic of
China has participated constructively and pesesfully in international
affairs and fulfilled all the obligations of membership in the United
Nations. To expel the Republic of China could hardly be called an action
consistent with the prim iples of the Charter. Certainly it would be in
clear contradiction with the principle
of universality.
Regarding the Government of the People's Republic of China we have many
ressons to be in doubt as to its vishes and intentions. Does it want to
take
sest in the United Nations, and under what conditions? Earlier
declaration
emanating from Paking and the strange events in the People's Republic of
China
during the last year or two give us good reason to proceed cautiously in
this
matter; and that, as we see it, is the intention and aim of the Italian
proposal,
My delegation vill vote in favour of the draft resolution submitted by
the
Italian and other delegations. By that vote we wish to underline our
positive
attitude towards efforts aimed at seeking a solution to the problem of
China'a
representation. We shall, at the same time, vote against the draft
resolution
submitted by the Albanian and other delegations.
AP/1c
A/PV.1607
11
(r. Kjartansson, Iceland)
Finally, we have before us the draft resolution submitted by Australia,
Belgium and several other delegations, in document A/L.532. In the
Lew of my delegation, the question of the admission and membership of a
Government exercising control over the world's most populous nation must
these in
be of an overriding importance to this Organization. And in fact, the
long debates on this subject in the General Assembly all these years,
the broad participation in these debates, the great interest -- and,
indeed, the passion that the examination of this agenda item always
evokes
themselves are ample proof of the importance which Member Goverments
attach to this question. The proposal to expel a Member of this
Organization, a Member in good standing whose record in the United
Nations will bear
comparison with others, is a very serious matter not to be dealt with
lightly or disposed of by a simple anjority. In fact, Article 18 of the
Charter explicitly states that "the expulsion" of a Hember is an
important question which can be decided upon by a two-thirds majority
only.
My delegation will therefore vote in favour of the draft resolution
contained in document A/L.532, which reaffirms the General Assembly's
earlier decisions that any proposal to change the representation of
China in the United Nations is an important question which must be
decided by a two-thirds majority vote, in accordance with Article 18 of
the Charter.
HT. TURBAY AYALA (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish): This debate
on the possible "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's
Republic of China in the United Nations" offers us the opportunity to
consider the substance of the question, as proposed, na vell na ita
procedural cafect.
The delegation of Colombia has sponsored, along with fourteen States,
■ draft resolution intended to support, as far as procedure is
concerned, the position that the United Nations has taken on various
occasions concerning this very matter, nemely, that it is an important
question,
7
AP/1c
A/FV,1607
AP/1c
12
(Mr. Turbay Ayala, Colombia)
My delegation has not hesitated to sponsor this draft because, in the
light of the provisions of Article 18 of the Charter, it can be seen
that mong those matters requiring a two-thirds majority are to be found
those referring to:
Н
the admission of new Members to the United Nations, the suspension of
the rights and privileges of membership, the expulsion of Members ...
(Article 18, para. 2)
14
Today we are considering the document submitted by the delegations of
Albania, Algeria, Cambodia, Congo (Brazzaville), Cuba, Guinea, Mali,
Mauritania, Pakistan, Rccants and Syria (A/L.531), in which it is
proposed:
"....... to restore all its rights to the People's Republic of China and
to recognize the representatives of its Government as the only lawful
representatives of China to the United Nations, and to expal forthwith
the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the place which they
unlawfully occupy at the United Nations and in all the organizations
related to 1t."
We find ourselves, therefore, considering an express proposal for the
zission of a Goverment and for the expulsion of another Govemment and,
therefore, we need not sharpen our vite, nor mbark upon erulite and
complicated statements in order to affirm that the Assembly is debating
a matter which requires for its decision a two-thirds majority of the
Members
present and voting.
Colombia does not advocate a convenient interpretation of the Charter;
rather it respects a mandate which because of its exprese nature and the
clarity of its provisions cannot be understood in any other manner.
Article 18 of the Charter was not drawn up in order to consider any ad
hoc case;
rather at Ban Francisco it was agreed upon as being a constant now of
the
United Nations and as a guarantee of the good judgement and high sense
of responsibility with which the United Nations should proceed in
matters
ffecting its own structura. No matter what opinion one may have cone
crning
the so-called restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of
thine,
one cannot overlook the fact that as Albania'a resolution is drafted it
must be submitted to the procedure laid down in Article 18 of the
Charter.
A/PV.1607
13-15
(Mr. Turbay Avala, Colombia)
As far as our knowledge goes, the representatives of the People's
Republic of China were never a part of the United Nations on any
previous occasion, and therefore one cannot talk about the restoration
of a right which they never had. It would be much better to qualify the
proposal submitted by Albania and the other co-sponsors of draft
resolution A/1.531 as a replacement of the present representatives of
China by the representativas
of the Government of Peking.
What is proposed, no more, no less, is the expulsion of the
representatives
It so of a State which is one of the founding Hembers of the United
Nations, happens that the present Foreign Minister of the Republic of
China, Mr. Wei Tao-ming, vas one of the signers of the San Francisco
Charter in 1945, when the present President of the Chinese Government,
President Chiang Kai-shek,
var the head of Government,
This matter cannot be qualified or labelled as being a simple case of
credentials. My delegation considers that the matter now under debate is
a political matter because of its very origins, because of its
manifestations and because of its implications. It would be naïve to
overlook the political effects which would occur in the turbulent world
of Ásta if we vere to approve the draft resolution which proposes the
expulsion of the representatives of the Government of the Republic of
China and its replacement, by the representatives of the People's
Republic of China.
AM/V
A/PV-1607
16
AW/vm
(Mr. Turbay Ayala, Colombia
A/27.1607
17
(Mr. Turbay Ayala, Colombia)
E
Also, the possible admission to the United Nations of the
representatives of the Government of Mao Tse-tung would have broad
repercussions in the world political scene. We cannot conceive of the
admission of the representatives of the Goverment of the People's
Republic of China in this Organization in
■ hostile atmosphere characterized by the belligerent confrontation of
those who maintain these well-known but antagonistic positions. The
possible recognition should never be seen in the light of a triumph of
the East over the West. It should not constitute the triumph of one
heterogeneous group of States over another group of the ame nature.
The arrival of the representatives of continental China in the United
Nations would have to take place, in the opinion of my dalegation, as
the result of a sweeping agrement between all the nations, and
particularly between those nations which here the greatest
responsibility for the maintenance of peace. Its principle objective
would have to be to strengthen coexistence #mong nations. This purpose
would never be achieved if we did not try methods different from those
which have proven to be a fallure during the past eighteen years. But
the delegation of Colombis, of course, cannot vote, either now or later,
for the expulsion of a State which, like the Republic of China, bas
played, with prudence, intelligence and great brilliance, its important
role in the
United Nations.
Ky delegation does not overlook any of the arguments which have been put
It is true that the forward by the unofficial spokesmen of continental,
China, population of China mounta to 750 million inhabitants and that
China's militery importance is growing. All of this is undeniable.
However, such circumstances in themselves do not justify the sdidission
to the United Nations of a country which is not determined to support
the structural principles of the world Organization.
To be a Member of this club of nations it is not a requirement that the
candidate should show its military power. It is not strength or force,
but rather the desire for peaceful coexistance that could open the doors
of the United Rations to those desiring admission.
Some say, without any basis, that there exists a conspiracy against the
rights of the Government of the People's Republic of China, because of
nsiderations of ideology and politics. This is not the case. The
attitude of my delegation has never been inspired by purely partisan
feelings. In the
United Nations no one has attempted to make the ideology of all Member
States exactly uniform.
Among the signers of the San Fransico Charter are to be found
many Communist countries which do great honour to the United Nations.
May I be permitted to say that it is not because it is a Communist
State,
but rather because it has not given proof that it is a friend of pesce,
that
no representative of the Government of the People's Republic of China
has been admitted. We have never been able to learn whether, in reality,
the Government
of Peking wishes to become a Member of this Organization, or whether it
intends
to fulfil the obligations and duties of Member States. Every time we
have considered this matter, we have done so because of the request of
unofficial spokesmen of the People's Republic of China. In these
circumstances, it would be extravagant to proceed to admit a State which
deliberately has refused to state its opinion in a catter in which
silence necessarily gives rise to doubts.
The delegation of Colombia believes that we have not gone deep enough
into
this matter and, therefore we welcome the intiative of Balgium, Chile,
Italy, Luxemburg and the Netherlands (A/L.533) which would establish a
committee of Member States to investigate and study all the aspects of
the representation of
China in the United Nations in conformity with the principles and
purposes of
the Charter. The establishment of the counitten proposed in the draft
resolution contained in document A/L.533 would enable the Assembly to
have better information available, and it would allow the Assembly to
know the exact implications of the possible admission to the United
Nations of the representatives of the Government
of the People's Republic of China.
As was said by the representatives of Italy and Chile, a vote in favour
of
their draft resolution would not constitute any prior commitment, nor
would it be binding in any way upon the United Nations. All States will
maintain
I
H
I
AW/vm
A/FV.1607
18-20
DR/sh
(Mr. Turbay Aleyls, Colombia)
A/FV.3607
21
full freedom of action to take any decision they wish on the conclusions
of the committee which it is proposed to establish, so that it can
report back
but not to negotiate.
the delegation of Colombia, obviously, will vote in favour of the draft
resolution contained in document A/L-532. He will also vote in favour of
the five-Power draft resolution (A/L.533) which proposes the
establishment of a cound tree to study and investigate the question of
the representative of Chine and to submit a report to the twenty-third
regular session of the General Assembly.
The delegation of Colombia will vote sgainst the draft resolution of
Albania and the other States (A/1.531) which proposes the so-called
restoration
of the rights of continental China and the expulsion of the
representatives of
the Government of the Republic of China.
U AUNG MYAT KYAW (Burma): Once again the United Nations is faced with
the issue of the "Restoration of the lawful, rights of the People's
Republic of China in the United Nations". The delegation of Burns feels
that this issue should never have arisen in the first place. The present
unfortunate situation in which the United Nations finds itself in
matters concerning world peace and security, in matters concerning
disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, could, in the opinion of
my delegation, have been prevented if only the United Nations had faced
the realities of the situation involving the change of government in
China in 1949. By refusing the Government of the Feople's Republic of
China ita rightful place in this Organization, the United Nations has
deliberately denied itself
the opportunity of listening to the voice, with all ite nuances, of
almost one fifth of all mankind. This situation isposes a severe and
unwarranted
handicap on the United Nations itself and limits its authority,
Discussions
of world problems, particularly those of disaraement and the like, would
be more realistic and solutions reached more lasting if People'a
China were to be a party to them as a Member of the United Nations. Good
sense in the interests of the world comunity requires that the People's
Republic of China be restored to its rightful seat in the United
Nations,
The present glaring injustice by which the people of the world's most
populous state has, for the last eighteen years, been deprived of a
place in this Assembly and the anomaly of that country's being
represented by those who have lost control over its land should be set
aright.
There is only one China and only one legal Government representing the
Chinese people with control over its entire land. That Government
representing the only China is the Government of the People's Republic
of
The issue involved is a simple matter as to who represents China, and
the vote of my delegation will be determined accordingly.
DB/ch
A/PV.1607
DR/ch
A/PV.1607
23
(Mr. Shahi, Pakistan)
Mir, SHARI (Pakistan): The General Assembly is once again discussing the
question of the restoration of the layful rights of the People's
Republic of Chim in the United Nations. It is one of the most
disquieting features of this Organization's life that the question of
Chinese representation has remained unresolved for eighteen years, As a
result, the United Nations has remained detached from one of the primary
political realities of the world and its effectiveness bas diminished.
This question came before the General Assembly first in 1949 when
Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China
established its affective control and authority over the territory of
China, one of the permanent members of the Security Council and a
founding Member of the
United Nations.
On 18 November 1949 the Foreign Minister of this Government duly
informed the President of the General Assembly that the delegation which
represented China until that time had lost its right to speak on behalf
of China and that, therefore, its credentials were no longer valid.
According to the law and practice of the United Nations with respect to
the question of representation of Member States wherein changes of
governmenta have occurred, there should have been a speedy response to
this intimation from the Central People's Goverment. In the memorandum
on the legal aspects of the problem of representation in the United
Nations circulated by the Secretary-General on 9 March 1950 (8/1466), it
was clearly stated that the decisive consideration should be whether a
new overnment exercises affective muthority within the territory of a
State.
In this context, my delegation would like to quote the last paragraph of
the sesorandum of Mr. Trygve Lie:
―
"If BO" that is, if a new government exercises effective
"It would sem to be authority within the territory of a state
appropriate for the United Nations organs, through their collectiv@
action, to accord it the right to represent the State in the
Organization, aven though individual Members of the Organization refuse,
and say continue to refuse, to accord it recognition as the lawful
government for reasons which are valid under their national policies.
Accordingly, the delegation of the Central People's Government should
have been promptly seated as the representatives of Chine in all the
organs
of the lited Nations.
It is one of the greatest failures of this Organization that this was
not done. Pakistan has been among the States which have urged time and
again that this should be rectified and the lawful rights of the
People's
Republic of China speedily restored. On 25 September 1950, the Foreign
Minister of Pakistan, addressing this Assembly, pointed out that the
question was not one of recognition, nor of admission of a State, but
purely of the validity of representation.
My Government would once again remind the Assembly that all we are
concerned with in this question is the seating of the true
representatives
of China.
The passage of time has served only to lend additional duphasis, if
emphasis were needed, to the urgency of this question. We all know the
results which have stened directly from the evasion of reality in this
matter by the United Nations.
There are at least three categories of questions on which the viewpoint
of the real Government of Chins is of the greatest moment and
significance. The first consists of issues relating to the elinization
of the muclear
The second includes issues relating to general disarmament. third
pertains to the great issues of war and peace, particularly in Asia, and
generally in the world.
menace.
The
Each of these questions impinges on the fate of mankind, On all these
questions, the absence of China from our counsels here has made the
search for solutions far more difficult. The grasp of the United Nations
on issues cannot be firm, its pronouncements cannot be persuasive and
ita decisions cannot carry the necessary authority unless it is cured of
the disability which has weakened it all these years.
An argument is accetines heard here that the inclusion of the People's
Republic of China in the United Nations vill not enhance the capacity of
this Organization to meet the grave crises confronting the world,
Support is Bought
DR/ch
A/PV.1607 24-25
TL/Jam
(Mr. Shabi, Pakistan)
A/FV.1607
26
(Mr. Shahi,(Pakistan)
for this argument from some of the statements of the leaders of China,
However, the basic fact is that the United Nationa te not an
organization of like-zinded States. Its purpose is to harmonize the
conflicting intereste
of nations. It is by confronting divergent viewpoints that the United
Nations can achieve viable solutions to the problems of the world.
The fact that the participation of the People's Republic of China in
negotiations on grave issues of var and peace, and in their settlement,
is not
vital but essential vas recognized in the Geneva accords of 1954
and the Agreements of 1962 relating to Laos. The reasons which prompted
Chinta being invited to these negotiations were compelling. No less
compelling are the reasons which desend that China be sested in the
United Nations.
The question that the Assembly has to answer is: If we exclude a
Gorrentyment. which has a right to be represented in our deliberations,
can we expect that Government to conform to our decisions? The
Government in question here is one that represents the largest intioral,
seguent of makind. Nor can ve forget
Chiza represents a unique and self-determined civilization which has
been a
living reality for three thousand yekra.
So much about the substance of the issue. Let me now turn to the
procedures adopted by this Organization in dealing with the subject of
Chinese representation.
For a certain time a moratorium on a decision on this question una
imposed from year to year, Now a similar expedient is being proposed in
draft resolution A/1.533 which would establish a committee with the
mandate of
exploring and studying the situation.
cooplexitle
this
This proposal bases itself on the premise tha
question require the most searching consideration". My we sak; What
consideration could be more searching than that which the Assembly ma
giyên to
this issue in debatas during so many sessions? If the Assembly's
exhaustive discussion of the issue for all these years has not led to a
solution, what study by any committee would? It is obvious that the
proposal would have the affect
only of postponing the solution of an urgent problem.
My delegation has dealt in previous sessions with the question of this
issue's being declared an important question within the meaning of
Article 18 of the
The word "important" is deceptive here. In a sense, all issues debated
in the General Assembly are important, but mumerous such issues have
been
decided by a simple majority. The question therafora, is not what
faportance
we attach to an issue politically, but what vorking procedure is to be
applied to it and what the basis is on which setion ona be taken by the
Assembly with respect to it.
TL/jan
A/PV.1607
27
(Mr. Shahi, Pakistan)
TL/Jem
A/PT.1607 28-30
(Mr. Shahi, Pakistan)
Under the title of representation of China in the thited Nations, many
resolutions vers adopted by the Assembly by a simple majority. I cite
resolutions 1108 (XT), 1135 (XII), and 1239 (XIII) as exemples. If that
procedure va
considered to be valid then, vhat renders it invalid now?
This consideration is reinforced by some others. In the first place, the
issue of Chinese representation does not fall under any of the questions
listed as "important" in Article 18, mat Article lists, inter alia, the
admission of new
Heubers to the United Nations, the auspension of the rights and
privileges of
abership and the expulsion of Hembers, as "important". None of those
questions
is involved under the present item, vhich is one of representation.
Secondly, the question of representation of Governments was not unknow
to
those who fruned the Charter of the United Nationa. mhat it was not
included in
the emuneration in Article 19 shows irrefutably that it is not an
important question in the sense of that Article.
It is exhaustive,
de anomeration in Article 18 is not merely illustrative. but subject to
the deteraimation by the General Assembly of additiomi catégories of
questions to be decided by a two-thirds majority under paragraph 3 of
Article 18.
In regard to the determination of these additional catagories, certain
bate considerations are to be borne in sind. First, it goes without
mying that such a determination should be anda in good faith and not as
a matter of
expediency. Second, this determination relates to categories, and not to
a
question se it arises with respect to one specific chen,
It would be open under paragraph 3 of Article 18 for the Assembly to
declare
that the question of representation vith respect to all Governmenta 18
an important question. The Général Assembly is not being asked to make
such a
determination, That being so, the Assembly cannot take the position that
the
question of representation is unimportant with respect to States A, B
and C, but important with respect to Stata D.
It is true, ka the records of the United Nations show, that there are
instances where the Assembly ia decided that a certain resolution should
be
adopted by a two-thirda majority vote. It can be mid that no additional
category una thereby added to the questions enumerated in Article 18,
paragraph 2, beskuse specific resolutions were required to be adopted by
a majority vote. But in each
of these instances a relation was established between the specific
questions involved and those listed in Article 18. Such a relation, as I
have said befové,
not be established between the question of representation of Chim and
any of those questions on which the Charter explicitly requires that
decisions be taken
by a two-thirds majority.
My delegation vill therefore vote against the draft resolution contained
in
document A/L.532 and Add.1.
For the reseans that I have already stated and that the delegation of
Pakistan has repeatedly advanced in the past, I would urge the Assembly
to adopt draft resolution A/L.531, which Pakistan has the honour to
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.