Hong Kong's historical development was not, as the standard works maintain, a story of continuous growth and stability with a politically apathetic Chinese population. Rather, the development was punctuated by a long series of social crises in which both coolies and merchants expressed their dissatisfaction with British rule.
Regarding the historiography of colonialism, Peter Worsley aptly observes that whereas the history of colonialism written by imperial ists is “the story of what the White man did," “nationalist historiog raphy has developed a contrary myth: a legend of 'national' resis tance which omits the uncomfortable fact of collaboration."3 The history of Hong Kong reveals patterns of social relations much more complex and subtle than either imperialist or nationalist myth. The relationship between the colonizers and the colonized was full of ambiguities and paradoxies. As stated in the beginning of this book, George Balandier's definition of the “colonial situation" is useful but needs modification. Whereas Balandier stresses “the fundamentally antagonistic character of the relationship" between colonizers and colonized,4 this study of Hong Kong shows an ambivalent relation ship, characterized by both collaboration and hostility, harmony and conflict, partnership and antagonism simultaneously. Antagonism was often caused by unequal partnership, racial tensions in a colonial situation, and the colonial policy of social and political control.
There was a long tradition of Chinese resistance to British colonial rule in Hong Kong. Some anticolonial social protests (e.g., the 1884 popular insurrection, the 1895 controversy over the Light and Pass Ordinance, the series of incidents involving willful civil disobedience in 1911-12, and the boycott of the tramway in 1912-13) were linked
Conclusion 293
to Chinese nationalism; but others were not, depending on historical circumstances. In the coolie strikes of 1888 and 1895, for instance, coolies were thinking primarily in terms of how their livelihood was affected by the colonial government regulations, not in terms of Chinese nationalism. During the period under study anticolonialism was often conservative in character. On many occasions it was di rected against the specific colonial government measures affecting the lives and work of the Chinese subjects. Such conservative anti colonialism did not aim to terminate British colonial rule.
Forced by economic hardship and sociopolitical unrest on the mainland to seek work and opportunities in Hong Kong, the colony's Chinese residents were essentially pragmatic and realistic in attitude. While merchants cooperated with their foreign business partners, coolies worked for their foreign employers to make a living. At the bottom of the social hierarchy, coolies were often preoccupied with their daily subsistence and were parochial in outlook. They were divided by dialect and native district differences into rival and hostile groups competing with each other for job opportunities.
Yet, in a colonial situation such coolie parochialism was not too formidable to overcome. When their livelihood was threatened by the colonial government measures, coolies of different dialect groups often joined in strike. A series of coolie disturbances (in 1861, 1863, 1872, 1883, 1884, 1888, 1894, and 1895) disrupted trade and hurt the interests of the Chinese merchants, who naturally sought to coop erate with the British to help maintain law and order. As community leaders, the merchant elite also had moral obligations to mediate and resolve conflict situations. Under certain historical circumstances, like those that came together in 1884 (when the laborers' livelihood was threatened by the French war act and by the colonial govern ment's repressive measures, and when popular sentiment was in flamed by the nationalistic Canton officials), the laborers' anticolo nialism came to acquire a nationalistic overtone. But incipient popu lar nationalism aroused in 1884 proved ephemeral. Local issues affecting the laborers' livelihood remained of primary importance to them. National issues, if not aligned with local issues, had little appeal to coolies.
National consciousness did not easily develop among the colony's coolies, because it involved a certain degree of abstract conceptuali zation often unrelated to the problems of their everyday lives. In
294 Conclusion
ordinary times coolies7 living conditions were hardly conducive to the nurturing of the concept of 7/loyalty and selfless devotion to China as my nation-state T he street hawkers, for instance, were preoccupied with their daily worries and problems: their sleeping rooms were filthy and overcrowded; their congee, fruits, vegetables, or other commodities quickly got stale or rotten, especially in the hot and humid summer months; they complained about their fussy cus tomers; they quarreled with shopkeepers who would not allow them to place their stalls in front of shops; they also quarreled among themselves for better stands for their stalls; and they had to watch out for police who imposed fines and dragged them to the magis trate's court. And so on and so forth.5 Coolies preoccupied with these practical matters could not easily turn into dedicated patriots possessing a sense of collective identity with and loyalty to China as a sovereign nation-state.
This observation does not mean to deprecate workers as incapable
of "high" passions of nationalism. To pay close attention to coolies' preoccupation with mundane matters is not to slight the coolie work ers. Quite the contrary, it is to affirm the legitimacy of such preoccu pation. Living a bare subsistence existence, coolies had to attend to their immediate material needs for food, clothing, and shelter. In their daily struggle to earn a living these mundane needs were not "trivial" matters. To dismiss these as "trivial" would be "a slander on the moral status of fundamental material needs," to use James C. Scott's words.6A nationalist cause that addressed the issues of labor ers' needs and concerns would be more likely to attract their interest and support.
Nationalism was a complex phenomenon with cultural, political, and socioeconomic dimensions. Nationalism was Janus-faced. It took many different forms. So far as there were different views concerning what was in the best interest of the nation, there would be different forms of nationalism. They ranged from elitist nationalism to popu list nationalism, from militant, exclusive nationalism to conservative collaborationist nationalism (i.e., collaboration with imperialism at the sacrifice of some sovereign rights in the hope of eventually build ing a strong nation to fight imperialism). With close economic ties to foreign capitalism, many Chinese merchants in Hong Kong favored peaceful reforms along Western capitalist lines to strengthen China
Conclusion 295
under British tutelage. They did not regard popular outbursts of strikes and riots as "valid" expressions of patriotism.
Elitist and collaborationist nationalism, on the other hand, had little appeal to coolies because it was built on a sectional foundation that identified merchants' interests with national interests. The im mediate economic interest and social concerns were of primary im portance to the laborers in their daily struggle to earn a living. But the elitist nationalists from among the merchants and intelligentsia often foiled to address the local issues relating to the workers' press ing social needs and economic problems. This helps to explain why the elitist nationalists did not win much support from laborers for the nationalist causes from 1887 to 1900.
The boycott movements of 1905 and 1908 represented an upsurge of political and economic nationalism among the Chinese against foreign imperialism. In part, the boycotts also reflected the aspiration of the Chinese businessmen to assert their interests against foreign capitalist competition and domination in China. Nationalism became a vehicle for sectional self-assertion. Leadership in the anti-imperial ist movements served to enhance the merchants' political power and influence; it also afforded them opportunities for economic develop ment. Appealing to Chinese patriotism against foreign political and economic imperialism, boycott activists from among the merchants and intelligentsia were able to rally some degree of popular support. The crowd's attacks on Hong Kong Chinese stores selling Japanese goods and the street riots of 1908 gave vent to the popular anti- Japanese and anticolonial sentiments. Yet, the extent of workers' participation in the boycotts compared unfavorably with the 1884 coolie strike organized by the coolies themselves. Coolies would respond to a nationalist cause, if it was fused with an appeal to their social needs and economic interests. Subsequently the T'ung-meng- hui revolutionaries did seek to politicize the laborers by "stooping" to work with them, and thus helped to win popular support in Canton and Hong Kong for the Chinese revolution in 1911.
The revolution of 1911 greatly politicized Chinese of all classes in Hong Kong. Chinese nationalism in the British colony found lively expression in various ways: spontaneous popular jubilation over the fall of the old government; monetary subscriptions for the Canton revolutionary government; the compositors' strike; civil disobedi-
296 Conclusion
ence; an assassination attempt on the Hong Kong governor; the boycott of the Hong Kong tramway. Ironically, eager to cultivate the British colonial authorities' goodwill, the newly founded Canton rev olutionary government deprecated labor strikes and popular unrest in Hong Kong, which were inspired by the revolution itself. The Canton revolutionaries thus became identified as the new ruling elite that again was primarily interested in maintaining social order, secur ing government revenue, suppressing workers' demands, and thus helped to alienate itself from the populace in 1913.
The Chinese revolution helped to create a general sense of social unrest in the British colony. It gave an important stimulus to popular nationalism, as the populace was aroused to a new awareness of and concern with China's politics and problems. Popular national con sciousness was reflected in the labor strikes, the mob attacks on colonial officials and other acts of civil disobedience, and the tram way boycott. Many members of the Chinese elite, however, refused to accept such popular outburts as "legitimate" expressions of patri otism. To help restore order and discipline, elite members like Lau Chu Pak sought to revive Confucianism as a hegemonic ideology and means of social control. They advocated Confucian and Mendan nationalism (K'ung-Meng min-tsu chu-i), seeking to use the conserva tive Confucian cultural tradition as a focus for the Chinese people in their search for identity as a nation. Again, nationalism took many different forms; it was both a mobilizing and a divisive force in history.
Notes
Introduction
1. Eitel, Europe in China, pp. ii, iv, 290, 294, 318, 568, 569.
Wood, A Brief H istory of Hongkong.
Endacott, A H istory of Hong Kong; Fragrant Harbor, A Short H istory of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford, 1962); Government and People in Hong Kong; Hong Kong Eclipse, edited by Alan Birch.
These are Paul Cohen's words in his analysis of American historical writing in China. See Cohen, Discovering H istory in China, p. 4.
Milner, "Colonial Records History; British Malaya," pp. 774, 779, 783.
Lethbridge, Hong Kong: Stability and Change, p. 65.
Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, 1898 - 1997 ; Miners, Hong Kong Under Imperial Rule, 1912 - 1941 ; Edwin Ride, BAAG , British A rm y A id Group, Hong Kong Resistance, 19 4 2 - 4 5 (Hong Kong: Oxford, 1981); Crisswell, The Taipans; Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and W estern Cultures; Ng Alice Lun Ngai-ha, Inter actions of East and W est; H. A. Turner, The Last Colony: But Whose? A S tudy of the Labour M ovem ent, Labour M arket, and Labour Relations in Hong Kong (Cam bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Joe England and John Rear, In dustrial Relations and Law in Hong Kong (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981); Paui Gillingham, A t the Peak: Hong Kong Between the W ars (Hong Kong; Macmillan, 1983); Jaschok, Concubines and Bondservants; Kevin P. Lane,
Sovereignty and the Status Quo: The Historical Roots of China's Hong Kong Policy
(Boulder: Westview Press, 1990); Tsang, Democracy Shelved; Chan Lau Kit- ching, China, Britain, and Hong Kong, 1895 -1945 , which is largely a diplomatic history.
Cameron's Hong Kong: The Cultured Pearl and A n Illustrated H istory of Hong Kong are anecdotal histories for general readers.
298 1. Historical Setting
Two books deal with social and political crises: John Cooper, Colony in Conflict: The Hong Kong Disturbances, M ay 1967 -January 1968 (Hong Kong: Swindon, 1970) and Gregor Benton, The Hongkong Crisis (London: Pluto Press, 1983), the latter on the recent Sino-British negotiations over Hong Kong's future.
Balandier, 'The Colonial Situations," pp. 34-61.
Moore, Social O rigins of Dictatorship and Democracy, pp. 522-523.
Cohen, "The New Coastal Reformers," in Paul A. Cohen and John E. Schreker, eds.. Reform in N ineteenth-Century China (Harvard University East Asian Research Center, 1976), pp. 256-257.
Rowe, Hankow: Conflict and Com m unity, pp. 347-349. For some discus sion of "cultural hegemony," see E. P. Thompson, "Patrician Society, Ple beian Culture," pp. 382-405; T. J. Jackson Lears, "The Concept of Cultural Hegemony: Problems and Possibilities," pp. 567-593; Ellen Kay Trimberger, "E. P. Thompson: Understanding the Process of History," pp. 211-243; Suzanne Desan, "Crowds, Community, and Ritual in the Work of E. P. Thompson and Natalie Davis," pp. 47-71.
Rankin, Elite A ctivism , pp. 6-17.
Kuhn, Rebellion and Its Enemies, pp. 213-216.
David Strand, Rickshaw Beijing: C ity People and Politics in the 1920s (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 143, 256.
Honig, Sisters and Strangers, pp. 249. Shaffer, M ao and the Workers, also shows that traditional workers formed the core of the labor movement in Hunan precisely because of their preindustrial ties.
Thompson, The M aking of the English W orking Class, pp. 9,11,13.
Hershatter, The Workers of Tianjin, pp. 239-240.
Honig, Sisters and Strangers, pp. 5-6, 76, 78.
Historical Setting: The Making of An Entrepôt
See Wang Gungwu, China and the Chinese Overseas and C om m unity and Nation.
For the creation of an Amoy trading system see Chin-keong Ng, Trade
and Society: The A m oy N etw ork on the China Coast, 1683 - 1735 (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1983).
Chiu, The Port of Hong Kong, pp. 16-17.
Smith, "The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong," pp. 26-27.
Smith, "The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong," p. 26; Eitel,
Europe in China, pp. 169-171, 181-183,186.
Endacott, A H istory of Hong Kong, p. 65.
Ping-ti Ho, Studies on the Population of China, pp. xi, 183-189.
Yen Chung-p'ing et al., Chung-kuo chin-tai diing-chi shih, pp. 362-367. Wakeman, Strangers a t the Gate, pp. 179-180.
Mei, "Socioeconomic Origins of Emigration," p. 468.
2. Historical Setting 299
Wakeman, Strangers a t the Gate, p. 15.
Mei, "Socioeconomic Origins of Emigration/' pp. 470-471.
Wakeman, Strangers a t the Gate, p. 187.
Ming Kou Chan, "Labor and Empire," p. 15.
Albert Feuerwerker, The Chinese Economy, p. 17, states that while the Chinese "handicraft industry as a whole was not seriously undermined between 1870 and 1911, . . . significant structural changes in the handicraft industrial sector took place in these four decades . . . and the strain and dislocation occasioned by these developments adversely affected substantial parts of population."
TTie Cohong system in Canton did not in fact maintain a rigid monop oly over China's foreign trade. A "semi-free trade" was carried out by British private traders, American opium merchants, Chinese "shopmen," compra dors, and Junks beyond the limits of Canton. British traders, nevertheless, sought to promote a complete free trade with China, thereby precipitating the Opium War. See Yen-ping Hao, The Commercial Revolution, pp. 14-33.
Jones, "The Ningpo Pang," p. 74.
Wakeman, Strangers at the Gate, pp. 98-101.
Ming Kou Chan, "Labor and Empire," p. 16.
Hsü Hsin-wu, Ya-p'ien chan-cheng ch'ien, p. 63.
Mei, "Socioeconomic Origins of Emigration," pp. 473-474.
Smith, "Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," pp. 82-84.
Smith, "The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong," pp. 82-84.
Legge, "The Colony of Hong Kong," p. 184.
The Chinese population in Hong Kong increased from 54,072 in 1854, to 70,651 in 1855, to 85,280 in 1859, and to 92,441 in 1860, the year when Kowloon was added to the colony. See Historical and Statistical Abstract.
Smith, "Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," pp. 89-91.
Chiu, The Port of Hong Kong, pp. ix, 1, 3,16-17.
Endacott, A n Eastern Entrepot, pp. be, xi, xii.
Hobsbawm, The A ge of Revolution, p. 136; David B. Davis, Slavery and Human Progress (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984).
Peng Chia-li, "Shih-chiu shih-chi Hsi-fang ch'in-lüeh-che, pp. 235- 239, 255.
Mei, "Socioeconomic Origins of Emigration," pp. 493-494, 485.
The China M ail, March 30, 1854.
Ch'en Tse-hsien, "Shih-chiu shih-chi sheng-hsing ti ch'i-kung chih," pp. 169-171; Peng Chia-li, "Shih-chiu shih-chi Hsi-fang ch'in-lueh-che," pp. 238, 254.
Kani Hiroaki, Kindai Chügoku no kuri to choka (Coolies and "slave girls" of modem China) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shobö, 1979), p. 31; Peng Chia-li, "Shih- chiu shih-chi Hsi-fang ch'in-lueh-che," pp. 250-251.
Kani Hiroaki, Kindai Chügoku, pp. 31-33.
Coolidge, The Chinese Immigration, p. 428.
Kani Hiroaki, Kindai Chügoku, p. 24.
300 1. Historical Setting
Eitel, Europe in China, p. 259. But Kani Hiroaki, Kindai Chügoku, p. 31, gives a figure of 20,026 Chinese emigrants landed in San Francisco in 1852.
Denby, China and Her People, 2:110.
P'eng Chia-li, "Shih-chiu shih-chi Hsi-fang ch'in-lueh-che," pp. 251- 252, 257, 258-259.
Mei,"Socioeconomic Origins of Emigration," p. 490.
Endacott, A H istory of Hong Kong, p. 132.
Noda Jitsunosuke, Honkon jijö, pp. 284-285, 288; Wright and Cart wright, Twentieth-Century Impressions, pp. 244-245.
Yen Chung-p'ing, Chung-kuo chin-tai ching-chi shih, pp. 239-241; En dacott, A n Eastern Entrepot, pp. xiv-xv, 146; Wright and Cartwirght, Twen tieth-Century Impressions, pp. 116-120, 200-210. Noda Jitsunosuke, Honkon jijô , pp. 160-164.
Denby, China and Her People, 2:93.
Endacott, A H istory of Hong Kong , pp. 126-127.
Pomerantz, "The Chinese Bourgeoisie," pp. 3-5.
Hyde, Far Eastern Trade, pp. 86-87,115.
Hyde, Far Eastern Trade, pp. 85, 106.
Choa Chee Bee's W ills, dated May 8,1890 and June 28,1900.
Choa Leep Chee's W ill, June 17, 1909; Wright and Cartwright, Twen tieth-Century Impressions, p. 176.
Feldwick, Present D ay Impression, p. 595.
Ng Li fling's W ill, October 25,1913.
By 1917 the Chinese population in Siam numbered 900,000. John K. Fairbank, E. O. Reischauer, and A. M. Craig, East Asia: The M odem Transfor mation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965), pp. 430, 459.
Lü-Kang Ch'ao-chou shang-hui ch'ang-wu li-shih-hui, Lii-Kang Ch'ao- chou shang-hui, p. 6.
Smith, "Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," p. 93.
Feldwick, Present D ay Impression, p. 586; Wright and Cartwright,
Twentieth-Century Impressions, p. 229.
Fairbank, Reischauer, and Craig, East Asia, p. 733.
Lee Poh Ping, Chinese Society in N ineteenth-Century Singapore (Kuala
Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 87, gives as the Chinese popula tion of Singapore:
1 81 1891 1901
Hokkien
24,981
45,856
59,117
Cantonese
14,853
23,397
30,729
Hakka
6,170
7,402
8,514
Teochiu
22,644
23,737
27,564
Hainanese
8,319
8,711
9,451
Straits-born
9,527
12,805
15,498
Total:
86,766
121,908
164,041
Feldwick, Present D ay Impression, pp. 590-591.
Feldwick, Present D ay Impression, p. 588.
2. A Frontier Settlement 301
Wright and Cartwright, Twentieth-Century Impressions, p. 248; Cheng Tzu-ts'an, Chih-nan-lu, p. 491. Feldwick, Present D ay Impression, p. 558.
C0129.391.26748, Governor May to Lewis Harcourt, July 23, 1912, p. 138.
Remer, The Foreign Trade of China, p. 44.
Cheng Tzu-ts'an, Chih-nan-lu, pp. 1-78, 100-104.
Cheng Tzu-ts'an, Chih-nan-lu, pp. 78-99, 105-106.
Cheng Tzu-ts'an, Chih-nan-lu, pp. 240-252; 280-287.
Yen Chung-p'ing, Chung-kuo chin-tai ching-chi shih, pp. 65-66.
Remer, The Foreign Trade of China, p. 160.
In writing this paragraph I am indebted to the readers for Columbia University Press for their inspiring and erudite comments on my manuscript. See also Yuen Sang Leung, "Regional Rivalry in Mid-Nineteenth Century Shanghai."
Cohen, Between Tradition and M odernity, pp. 256-257.
Wright and Cartwright, Twentieth-Century Impressions, p. 194.
A Frontier Settlement: The Chinese Community Under Alien Rule, 1840s-1860s
Lau Siu-kai, Society and Politics, p. 7.
Headley J. Stephen, "Hong Kong is the Lifeboat, Notes on Political Culture and Socialization," Journal of Oriental Studies (September 1970), 8:210.
Pomerantz Shin, "China in Transition," p. 30, aptly characterizes early Hong Kong as "a frontier outpost."
Fieldhouse, The Colonial Empires, pp. 242, 243, 293.
Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 1:4-6.
Smith, "The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong," pp. 26-28.
Endacott, A n Eastern Entrepot, pp. 96-98.
Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 1:29.
Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 37.
The Friend of China, Nov. 2,1844, pp. 561, 563, 565; Shuang Ai, Hsiang- chiang chiu-shih, pp. 105-107.
The Friend of China, Nov. 2,1844, p. 561.
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 224, 226.
The Friend of China, Nov. 2, 1844, p. 561.
For these popular outbursts against Europeans in the Canton delta and in Macao and Hong Kong, see Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 158, 214-216, 218-219, 255, 269.
Shuang Ai, Hsiang-chiang chiu-shih, pp. 75-78; Norton-Kyshe, The H is tory of the Laws and Courts, 1:228-230, 296-299.
A recent study by Dian H. Murray, Pirates of the South China Coast, 1790 - 1810 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987), argues that pirates in earlier times were "entrepreneurs," who preyed on shipping, engaged in the salt trade, and operated protection rackets; that some pirate chiefs were easily induced into defections by the Ch'ing government offers of monetary
302 2. A Frontier Settlement
rewards and military ranks; and that the pirates were nonideological, collab orating with the government as much as fighting against it.
Hobsbawm, Bandits, p. 143.
For a critique of Hobsbawm's "social bandits" see Cheah Boon Kheng, "Hobsbawm's Social Banditry/' pp. 34-51.
Fox, British Adm irals, p. 107.
Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 1:228-230, 296-299; Shuang Ai, Hsiang-chiang chiu-shih, pp. 75-78.
Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 1:228-230, 296-299; Shuang Ai, Hsiang-chiang chiu-shih, pp. 75-78.
See Smith's articles, "The Chinese Settlement of Hong Kong," pp. 26, 28; and "Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," pp. 80-82.
"The Districts of Hong Kong and the Name Kwan-Tai-Lo," p. 333.
Smith, "The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong," p. 29, and "Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," pp. 87-88.
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 168-169.
The Hongkong D aily Press, April 23,1880.
Elizabeth Sinn, "A Preliminary Study," pp. 3-4.
Ibid., pp. 4-5. In Chinese cities on the mainland, traditional Chinese traders and sojourners in an alien setting tended to cluster into groups and created associations based on common native place and occupation; see Jones, "The Ningpo Pang," pp. 73-96.
Armentrout-Ma, "Urban Chinese at the Sinitic Frontier," pp. 107- 135.
Lu Yen et al., Hsiang-kang chang-ku, 11:1-4.
Pryor, "Housing Conditions in Hong Kong," pp. 92.
Kani Hiroaki, General Survey of the Boat People, p. 73. But fishermen of all dialect groups shared these common beliefs and customs regarding the shipwreck portents.
Douglas W. Sparks, "The Teochiu: Ethnicity in Urban Hong Kong," JHKBRAS (1976), 16:26, shows that "differences between ethnic groups in Hong Kong in rituals, beliefs, and family structure, etc. are minimal . . . particularly in the urban areas."
Hayes, "Secular Non-Gentry Leadership," p. 114.
Ibid., pp. 121-124. The management of temples and shrines and the organization of festivals were generally in the hands of the kaifong land- dwellers, for the Tanka boat people were traditionally just worshippers and "lookers-on." The boat people were "parasites on the temple ashore founded by a land-dweller"; see Kani Hiroaki, A General Survey of the Boat People, pp. 80-81. Loo Aqui was an exception. He was an ex-boatman who had acquired wealth that enabled him to earn the preeminent position of an elite.
Hayes, "Secular Non-Gentry Leadership," pp. 125-126.
Hsiang-kang wen-wu-miao shih-lüeh.
Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 16, 217.
Lethbridge, "The Tung Wah," p. 151. For kaifong in contemporary Hong Kong, see Wong, The Kaifong Associations, and her article, "Chinese
2. A Frontier Settlement 303
Voluntary Associations in Southeast Asian Cities and the Kaifongs in Hong Kong/' JHKBRAS (1971), 11:62-73.
Hayes, "Secular Non-Gentry Leadership," p. 126; Sinn, Power and Charity , p. 17.
Rankin, Elite A ctivism , p. 18; and Linda Pomerantz Shin, "China in Transition," pp. 38-41. More on gentry managers in chapter 3.
R e p o r t. . . Tung Wah, pp. xvii-xviii.
See also Sinn, Power and Charity, p. 18.
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 302-304.
Smith, Chinese Christians, pp. 75-86.
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 306-309; Lu Yen et al., Hsiang-kang chang- ku, 2:155-161.
The China M ail, Nov. 27, 1856.
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 310-311.
Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 1:417.
Ibid., 1:418-421; Shuang Ai, Hsiang-chiang chiu-shih, pp. 79-91; Lu Yen et al., Hsiang-kang chang-ku, 2:162-164.
Endacott, A H istory of Hong Kong, p. 94.
Shuang Ai, Hsiang-chiang chiu-shih, pp. 90-91.
Lu Yen et al., Hsiang-kang chang-ku, 2:162-164.
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 315-317; Wakeman, Strangers at the Gate, pp. 159-173; Steven A. Leibo, "Not So Calm an Administration: The Anglo- French Occupation of Canton, 1858-1861," JHKBRAS (1988), 28:16-33.
Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 1:;495. In 1858 the total Chinese population of Hong Kong was 74,041.
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 319-320.
Yüan Pang-chien, "Hsiang-kang kung-jen yün-tung li-shih ti chi-ko tf eh-tien" (Some characteristics in the history of labor movement in Hong Kong), Chin-tai-shih yen-chiu (1989), 1:178.
Eitel, Europe in China, p. 132.
The China M ail, July 23, 1891; Smith, "Emergence of the Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," pp. 90-91.
Eitel, Europe in China, p. 316.
Eitel, Europe in China, p. 395.
Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 2:1-4.
Eitel, Europe in China, p. 368.
Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 1:328, 495.
The China M ail, January 3 and 17,1861.
The China M ail, October 8 and 29, 1863.
Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, p. 15; see also Hayes, "The Nature of Village Life," pp. 55-72, and James Hayes, "Rural Leadership in the Hong Kong Region: Village Autonomy in A Traditional Setting," in Goran Aijmer, ed.. Leadership on the China Coast (London and Malmo: Curzon Press, 1984), pp. 32-52.
Tilly, "Rural Collective Action in Modem Europe," p. 26.
Esherick and Rankin, Chinese Local Elites, p. 11.
304 2. A Frontier Settlement
. Johanna Menzel Meskill, A Chinese Pioneer Family: The Lins of W u-feng, Taiwan, 1729 - 1895 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), p. 255, ob serves that “the frontier spawned local leaders with private power, including private armed power, who interposed themselves between the populace and the apparatus of a remote Chinese government. It was a custom which they would retain even after Taiwan was incorporated into the Chinese state.“
Edward A. McCord, “Local Military Power and Elite Formation: The Liu Family of Xingyi County, Guizhou," in Esherick and Rankin, Chinese Local Elites, p. 188, states: “In the mid-nineteenth century, militia leadership served as the agency for the Liu family's remarkable rise to a position of local dominance, but the condition of widespread rebellion and social disorder ultimately made this rise possible. Likewise only the special conditions of the 19 1 Revolution in Guizhou gave Liu Xianshi the chance to parlay his family's local military power into provincial military domination."
Lu Yen et al., Hsiang-kang chang-ku, 11:3-7; Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 1:633-641.
Gerth and Mills, From M ax Weber, p. 78, assert, “A state is a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory." See also Tilly, From M obilization to Revolution, p. 52.
Loo Aqui was declared bankrupt in 1855 because he stood security for the mismanaged estate of a Punti Cantonese merchant. He no longer ap peared as a public figure after his bankruptcy, although his two sons (who had inherited most of his wealth before 1855) were to be of elite status in the 1870s. Tam Achoy remained prosperous as a contractor until his death in 1871, although he did not participate actively in public affairs in his later years because his health was affected by his habitual opium-smoking. Kwok Acheong, owner of a fleet of steamships, also remained prosperous until his death in 1880. See Smith, “Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," pp. 82, 88, 97-98.
Smith, “Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," pp. 89-90.
Lethbridge, “The District Watch Committee," p. 127.
“The Nam Pak Hong Commercial Association of Hong Kong,"
JHKBRAS (1979), 19::222.
Lin Hsi, “Ch'ung Hsiang-kang ti Yuan-fa-hang t'an-ch'i" (On the Yuan-fa-hang of Hong Kong), Ta Ch'eng, August 1, 1983, 117:51, gives a glimpse of close personal relations between Ko Man Wah (from Teochiu), Wong Shing (from Hsiang-shan), and Leung On (from Shun-te).
Lethbridge, “The District Watch Committee," pp. 117-119.
Ibid.
Nam Pak Hong kung-so, H sin hsia luo-ch'eng, p. 23; English translation is cited from “The Nam Pak Hong Commercial Association of Hong Kong,"
p. 217. See also Nam-pak-hong kung-so, comp., Nan-pei-hang kung-so ch'eng- li i-pai-chou-nien chi-nien t'e-kan (Centenary publication of the Nam Pak Hong) (Hong Kong; 1968), pp. 17-19.
Nam-pak-hong kung-so, comp., H sin hsia luo-ch'eng, pp. 23-24; “The Nam Pak Hong Commercial Association of Hong Kong," pp. 218, 221-222.
3. The Chinese Community in a Colonial Situation 305
Eitel, Europe in China, p. 282.
Smith, "Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," pp. 81, 88, 98; Yen-p'ing Hao, The Comprador in N ineteenth-Century China, p. 195.
Esherick and Rankin, Chinese Local Elites, p. 308.
"The Nam Pak Hong Commercial Association of Hong Kong," p. 222.
Thompson, "Patrician Society, Plebeian Culture," p. 389.
The Chinese Community in a Colonial Situation, 1870s-1900s
Report . . . Tung Wah, pp. vii, xix, xxix, xxx, xliv; The Hongkong D aily Press, April 26, 29, 1869.
Tung-shih-chü (Board of directors), comp., Hsiang-kang tung-hua san yüan pai-nien shih-liieh (One hundred years of the Tung Wah group of hospi tals, 1870-1970) (Hong Kong: 1970), 1:15-16 (English), 90-92 (Chinese); The China M ail, February 14,1872; R e p o r t . . . Tung Wah, pp. xliii-xlv.
R e p o r t . . . Tung Wah, pp. xlv-xlvii.
For details of the Tung Wah management and organization, see Sinn's excellent study. Power and Charity, pp. 54-60, 273-274.
To give a few examples. Ko Man Wah from Teochiu, one of the Tung Wah founders, served as a director in its initial preparatory stage from 1869 to 1871. Later on other Teochiu men who served on the directorate included O Chun Chit (1874), Chan Wun Wing (1877), Ko Soon Kam (1892), Chan Tin San (1907), Wong Siu Ham (1915), and Chan Tsz Tan (1920). Some wealthy Hokkienese, too, served on the directorate, such as Yip Oi Shan (1880), Choa Chee Bee (1900), Ng Li Hing (1902, 1905), Ng Sau Sang (1907), O Ting Sam (1909), and To Sze Tun (1919); see Tung-shih-chü, Hsiang-kang tung-hua san yüan, 1:61-63, 65, 67-70.
They included a former boatman Kwok Acheong, Eurasians such as Robert Ho Tung, and Christians such as Wong Shing and Chan Tai Kwong, who remained deeply committed to many traditional Chinese customs, ideas, and values. Smith, "Emergence of the Chinese Elite in Hong Kong," pp. 97- 98, 107, 109, 112.
Po Leung Kuk, Hsiang-kang Pao-liang-chU pai-nien shih includes a history of the institution on pp. 135-153 and a long table of chronological events and a list of directors on pp. 211-274.
Lethbridge, "Evolution of a Voluntary Association," pp. 41, 47. For a detailed account of the Po Leung Kuk charitable work, see Kani Hiroaki, Kindai Chügoku, pp. 38-57, 351-374.
9. Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 64-67, 69-74; 98-113.
Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 59-60, 89, 96.
Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 96-98.
Wang Tao, "Hsiang-hai chi-tsung" (My Sojourn in Hong Kong: Ex cerpts), Renditions: A Chinese-English Translation M agazine (Spring and Au tumn 1988), nos. 29-30, p. 39.
Hong Kong Government Gazette, July 13, 1878, p. 352.
Bird, The Golden Chersonese, pp. 87, 91-92.
Rankin, Elite A ctivism , pp. 6-17.
306 3. The Chinese Community in a Colonial Situation
Kuhn, Rebellion and Its Enemies, pp. 213-216.
Rankin, Elite A ctivism , pp. 7, 9,18.
Indeed, throughout the late Ch'ing period the Chinese government desperately needed funds to pay for the expenses and/or indemnities in curred by such national disasters as the Sino-French War (1884-85), the Sino- Japanese War (1894-95), and the Boxer uprising in 1900. The sale of honors greatly expanded so that //brevet titles and ranks flooded the overseas mar- ket." In addition to financial need, the sale of titles was also intended as a means of securing overseas Chinese allegiance and as a political weapon to counterrevolutionary influence in the overseas Chinese communities. See Yen Ching-huang, "Ch'ing's Sale of Honours, pp. 20-32.
Esherick and Rankin, Chinese Local Elites p. 1.
This section on the Ko family is reconstructed mainly from a series of articles written by Ko Man Wah's grandson (Ko Soon Kam's son), Kao Chen- pai, "Hsiang-kang Tung-hua i-yüan" pp. 2-5; Lin Hsi (Kao Chen-pai), "Ch'ung Hsiang-kang ti yüan-fa-hang t'ang ch'i" (Yuen Fat Hong of Hong Kong), Ta- ch'eng (August 1983), 117:47-52; (Sept. 1983), 118:45-51; (Oct. 1983), 119:34- 39; (Nov. 1983) 120:46-54.
Lethbridge, "A Chinese Association in Hong Kong," p. 154. 22. China M a il, July 26, 27, 29,1872.
China M ail, July 30,1872.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies," pp. 57-61.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies," p. 2.
British Parliamentary Papers, vol. 26, p. 128.
"Correspondence Relative to the Magistrate's Court," 11:219-224.
"Correspondence Relative to the Magistrate's Court," 11:208-216.
China M ail, May 31,1899. See an interesting article by Nacken, "Chinese Street-Cries," p. 129.
Nacken, "Chinese Street-Cries," pp. 128-129.
China M ail, May 31, 1899.
D aily Press, May 23, 24, 1883.
China M ail, May 22, 1883; D aily Press, May 23,1883.
English translation of the H ua-tzu jih-pao article in China M ail, May 26, 1883. The earliest issue of H ua-tzu jih-pao now available dated only from 1895.
D aily Press, May 24, 1883.
36. CO129/222/20878, Bowen to F. Stanley, Oct. 21,1885, p. 413.
D aily Press, May 24, 1883.
Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 5-6, also makes this observation.
China M ail, October 8,1884.
Hu Ch'uan-chao, Tun-mo liu-fen, chuan 2:14b, 21b; 3:7a.
41. C0129/217/19555, Marsh to Derby, #340, Oct. 6,1884, p. 422.
42. C0129/225/7651, Marsh to Granville, March 24, 1886, pp. 328-331; Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 141-146.
43. C0129/225/7651, sub-enclosure 1, pp. 337-338.
44. C0129/225/7651, pp. 332-341; CO129/230/9720, Foreign Office to Un dersecretary of State, Colonial Office, June 3,1886, pp. 179-185.
The Chinese Community in a Colonial Situation 307
45 . Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 88-89,132,151.
On Wu Ting-fang's and Wong Shing's appointments, see Endacott,
Government and People in Hong Kong, pp. 97,101-102.
Cheng, "Chinese Unofficial Members," pp. 12-20.
48. Hong Kong Directory (1884 ), pp. 348-349; (1893), pp. 612-613.
Lethbridge, "The District Watch Committee, pp. 118-122.
Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 152-153, 207.
China M ail, Sept. 12, 1889; Feb. 1, 1894. Ho Kai once spoke on racial discrimination and social inequality when he was serving on the Sanitary Board in 1887. But such occasions were rare. The board more frequently discussed things like the 'Pegging nuisance" in the street and "the alleged nuisance arising from the practice of drying shark fins' refuge upon the roofs of houses," and so forth. Since 1935 the Sanitary Board has been superseded by the Urban Council, which is today "contemptuously tagged as the 'Gar bage Council' by many Hong Kong residents"; Lau Siu-kai, Society and Poli tics, p. 115.
Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, pp. 95,109-110.
This relationship between the government and the capitalist elite has remained essentially unchanged today. For a theoretical discussion of this in contemporary Hong Kong, see Lau Siu-kai, Society and Politics, pp. 123-130; Lau, however, neglects the tensions in the government-elite relationship, over-stating "an atmosphere of harmony between the government and the Chinese elite" (p. 129).
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 569-570.
A Hong Kong Chinese commercial directory of 1915 listed eleven foreign banks employing 185 Chinese staff, including compradors, cashiers, clerks, shroffs, and accountants. Also listed were eighty-one "comprador departments of European firms," employing some seven hundred Chinese staff. A few companies were operated under a joint Chinese and foreign partnership. See Cheng Tzu-ts'an, Chih-nan-lu, pp. 107-114, 140-146, 150, 157,162; and Hong Kong D irectory (1893), p. 633.
British Parliamentary Papers, 26:330.
China M ail, January 3,1891, March 23, 1897.
58. Hong Kong D irectory (1884), p. 362; (1893), p. 632.
Carl Smith, "English-Educated Chinese Elites," p. 83.
Cheng Tzu-ts'an, Chih-nan-lu, pp. 177,180,187-189; Feldwick, Present D ay Impression, p. 580; and Wright and Cartwright, Twentieth-Century Impres sions, p. 229.
Bergere, "The Role of the Bourgeoisie," pp. 249-250, states: "one way or another, whether from the aspect of finance, supply, equipment, or distribution, all Chinese business of any size operated within a context of foreign domination It can be said that in all relations established with
foreigners, the Chinese bourgeoisie was in a position of total economic dependence."
Wright and Cartwright, Twentieth-Century Impressions, pp. 245-246.
Wang Ching-yü, "Shih-chiu shih-chi wai-kuo ch'in-Hua, pp. 70-72.
308 3. The Chinese Community in a Colonial Situation
Wang Ching-yü, "Birth of the Chinese Bourgeoisie/' p. 29.
Legge, 'The Colony of Hong Kong/' p. 180.
Bergere, "The Role of the Bourgeoisie," pp. 250-253.
Yen-ping Hao, The Comprador in Nineteenth-Century China, p. 217; Ber gere, "The Role of the Bourgeoisie," p. 238.
C0129/198/3979, Hennessy to Colonial Office, telegrams, 2-3, March, 1882, p. 43.
Kani Hiroaki, Kindai Chügoku, p. 114.
Thompson, "Eighteenth-Century English Society," p. 150.
Kani Hiroaki, Kindai Chügoku, pp. 360-362, 369-370.
China M ail, December 5, 1890.
China M ail, December 6, 1890.
China M ail, Januaiy 14, 1893.
R e p o r t. . . Tung Wah, pp. 35, 38.
British Parliamentary Papers, 26:412.
The H ong Kong Weekly Press, May 24, 1894, p. 420. CO129/263/10936, Robinson to Ripon, pp. 194-200, enclosure.
D aily Press, May 25, 1894, suspected: "The coolie class are blindly led by busybodies among their countrymen occupying higher stations in life. It is men in good positions with anti-foreign proclivities who disseminated wild stories to bring the Government and its officers into detestation."
British Parliamentary Papers, 26:412.
The Hong Kong Weekly Press, May 24,1894, p. 402.
The Hong Kong Weekly Press, May 24,1894, p. 403.
The Commission's long Report . . . Tung Wah provides much infor mation about the hospital's history, operation, and organization.
Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 206-207.
Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1841 - 1930 .
Remer, The Foreign Trade of China, p. 160.
Lu Yen et al., Hsiang-kang chang-ku, 8:47-65.
Wood, Report on the Chinese G uilds, pp. 7, 19-20. This is a brief report of twenty-six pages. Material on employees' guilds is difficult to obtain, and so far as I am aware, very little research has been done on labor problems in Hong Kong during the period under study.
Wood, Report on the Chinese Guilds, pp. 7,19-20.
Feldwick, Present D ay Impression, p. 575.
Wright and Cartwright, Twentieth-Century Impression, pp. 245-246.
Chan, "The Organizational Structure of the Traditional Chinese Firm," pp. 229-232.
Feldwick, Present D ay Impression, pp. 579-580; Smith, "English-Edu cated Chinese Elites," pp. 82-84.
Tse Tsan Tai, The Chinese Republic, pp. 7-8.
Huang Chia-jen, "Hsieh Tsuan-t'ai," p. 14.
D aily Press, May 30, 1894.
China M ail, January 20,1896.
China M ail, March 12,1896.
4. Coolies in the British Colony 309
China M ail, January 21,1896.
Hsiang-kang Chung-hua tsung shang-hui, pp. 7,17.
China M ail, June 16, 1900.
H ua-tzu jih-pao, December 9,16, 1895.
China M ail, December 23,1895.
Correspondence Relative to the M agistrate's Court, 13:202, 205.
China M ail, Dec. 23, 1895; H ua-tzu jih-pao, Dec. 24, 1895.
China M ail, Dec. 23, 1895; H ua-tzu jih-pao, Dec. 24, 1895.
The China M ail, December 24, 1895.
H ua-tzu jih-pao, December 27, 1895.
Norton-Kyshe, The H istory of the Laws and Courts, 2:473.
Coolies in the British Colony
CO129/193/13140, Gov. Hennessy to Earl of Kimberley, June 15, 1881, pp. 204, 206.
2. CO129/193/13140, pp. 204, 206.
CO129/250/19830, Major-General Digby Barker to Lord Knutsford, Aug. 31, 1891, enclosure 2, pp. 788-789.
"Correspondence Relative to the Magistrate's Court," 11:219-224. 5. CO129/193/13140, p. 206.
The China M ail, May 23, 1883.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies", p. 3. 8. CO129/193/13140, pp. 201, 203.
Wood, A Brief H istory of Hongkong, p. 228.
Smith, "The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong," p. 27.
The Friend of China and Hongkong G azette, Nov. 2,1844, p. 561.
China M ail, July 29, August 1, 3,1872.
The Hong Kong Guide 1893, p. 137.
China M ail, April 2, 1895.
"Report on Chair and Jinricksha Coolies," pp. 65, 31.
Blue Book: Colony of Hong Kong, 1901 (Hong Kong: Noranha, 1902), p. T2.
China M ail, January 4, 1902.
Blue Book: Colony of Hong Kong 1901, p. 124,126.
"Report. . . on Chair and Jinricksha Coolies," pp. 11-12, 87.
Wood, A Brief H istory of Hong Kong, pp. 215-216.
"Report on Chair and Jinricksha Coolies", pp. 31, 74, 82-83, 89.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies", pp. 20, 38, 61, 69, 129, 144.
The Hongkong D aily Press, October 10,1906.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies," pp. 115-116.
"Report on the Chair and Ricksha Coolies," pp. 122-123.
Henry Norman, The Peoples and Politics of the Far East, p. 20.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies," pp. 7, 90.
British Parliamentary Papers, 26:99; "Report on the Chair and Ricksha Coolies," pp. 2, 61; Li Tsin-wei, Hsiang-kang pai-nien shih, pp. 131-132.
310 4. Coolies in the British Colony
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies," p. 56.
British Parliamentary Papers, 26:128.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies," pp. 10, 80-81.
Mortimer Menpes and Henry A. Blake, China (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1909), p. 48.
This description of the coolie house is put together from China M ail, July 27, 29, 30, August 3, 1872; March 13, 19, 1894; March 29, 30, April 1, 4, 1895; D aily Press, March 13, 1894; British Parliamentary Papers, 26:128; and Teng Chung-hsia, Chung-kuo chih-kung yun-tung chien-shih, pp. 2-3, 50.
Butters, Labour, p. 111.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies," pp. 82,105-108.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies," pp. 5, 57, 58, 79,107.
"Report on Chair and Ricksha Coolies," pp. 8, 31, 38, 44, 57.
Stanton, The Triad Society, pp. 26-28; D aily Press, November 12, 1884; CO129/227/13330, E. Marsh to Earl Granville, June 15, 1886, enclosure, p. 321.
38. CO129/227/13330, p. 321.
39. C0129/217/19557, Marsh to Derby, October 11, 1884, pp. 473-474; D aily Press, October 10, 1884; CO129/227/13330, enclosure 1, in Marsh to Granville, #204, June 15,1886, pp. 306, 321-322, 349-351.
40. CO129/227/13330, p. 370, 334, 322.
CO129/262/7340, Governor Bowen to Ripon, March 22, 1894, p. 449; Stanton, The Triad Society, p. 28.
D aily Press, November 12,1884.
Chesneaux, Secret Societies, pp. 34, 188; CO129/227/13330, p. 341.
Morgan, Triad Societies in Hong Kong, p. 65.
D aily Press, May 29, 1883.
D aily Press, May 30, 1883.
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 337, 445, 458.
D aily Press, October 20,1906.
D aily Press, October 19,1906.
China M ail, May 19, June 2, 1905. The police courts were often "filled with [European] soldiers and sailors arrested for brutishly drunk in a brothel, kicking and beating chair-coolies, or trying to rape Chinese women"; Pope- Hennessy, Verandah, p. 238.
51. China M ail, June 1, 7,1904; June 20,1909.
China M ail, February 20,1904.
China M ail, July 22, 1896; "Correspondence Relative to the Magis trate's Court," 13:29, 32.
"Correspondence Relative to the Magistrate's Court," 19:66; vol.
20.
"Correspondence Relative to the Magistrate's Court," 21. 56. C0882,4(33):5-6.
57. C0882, 4(33):9,10, 43, 44, 47.
58. C0882, 4(33):20-21.
59. C0882, 4(33):36-37.
5. Papular Insurrection in 1884 311
60. C0882, 4(33)114, 23, 25, 26, 29, 31, 32. "Correspondence Relative to the Magistrate's Courts" 3 (January-April 1878), police court case No. 146.
Endacott, A H istory of Hong Kong, p. 172.
Eitel, Europe in China, pp. 541, 545.
Endacott, A H istory of Hong Kong, p. 173.
See the numerous cases in "Correspondence Relative to the Magis trate's Court," 6:257, 273, 277, 335, 357, 381, 511, 523-703.
China M ail, June 5, 1899; March 15,1900.
"Correspondence Relative to the Magistrate's Court," vol. 2.
CO129/193/12802, Governor Hennessy to the Earl of Kimberly, May 26, 1881, enclosure: report by E. J. Eitel, p. 115.
Endacott, A H istory of Hong Kong, p. 187.
CO129/193/12802, Governor Hennessy to the Earl of Kimberly, no. 73, May 26, 1881, pp. 111-112, and enclosure: report by Dr. E. J. Eitel, pp. 116, 117.
Pope-Hennessy, Verandah, pp. 272-273.
China M ail, July 4, 1904.
D aily Press, February 12,1912; H ua-tzu jih-pao, February 10,1912.
D aily Press, May 27,1913.
Quoted in Joseph Chailley-Bert, The Colonisation of Indo-China, trans. Arthur B. Brabant (Delhi: B. R. Publishing, 1892, repr. 1985), p. 69.
Chailley-Bert, The Colonisation of Indo-China, p. 69.
Turner, Kwang Tung, p. 111. For the amount of $10,000 spent by the Chinese, see China M ail, Jan. 20,1896.
D aily Press, June 25,1897.
H ua-tzu jih-pao, June 25,1897; Cameron, Hong Kong: The Cultured Pearl,
pp. 138-141; D aily Press, June 25, 1897.
Cameron, Hong Kong: The Cultured Pearl, p. 138.
Chang Chih-pen, Hsiang-kang chang-ku, p. 29.
H ua-tzu jih-pao, June 23, 24,1902.
Cameron, Hong Kong: The Cultured Pearl, p. 111.
Chang Sheng, Hsiang-kang hei she-hui fuo tung chen-hsiang, p. 50.
Quoted from Roberta A. Dayer, 'The Young Charles S. Addis: Poet or Banker?" in King, ed.. Eastern Banking, p. 18.
Norman, The Peoples and Politics of the Far East, p. 18.
Popular Insurrection in 1884 During the Sino-French War
Shih Man-yu, "Ma-chiang feng-yün—I-pa-pa-ssu-nien Fuchou jen-min fan-k'ang Fa-kuo ch'in-lüeh ti tou-cheng." Lin Ch'i-ch'üan, "Shih-chiu shih- chi mo Taiwan t'ung-pao fan-tui Fa-kuo." Eastman, "The Kwangtung Anti- foreign Disturbances."
Eastman, Throne and M andarins, chapters 2-4.
For ch'ing-i and ch'ing-liu see Eastman, Throne and M andarins, pp. lb- 29, and Rankin, " 'Public Opinion,' " pp. 453-477.
The Hongkong D aily Press, September 4, 9, 1884.
312 5. Popular Insurrection in 1884
5. C0129.217.18738, Marsh to Derby, no. 336, September 25, 1884, pp.
382, 386-388. D aily Press, September 4,15,19,1884.
The China M ail, September 26, 30,1884.
China M ail, September 30, October 1, 1884; D aily Press, October 3,1884.
China M ail, October 3, 1884; D aily Press, October 4, 6,1884.
D aily Press, October 4, 6, 10, 1884.
China M ail, October 3,1884; D aily Press, October 4,1884.
D aily Press, October 4,1884; China M ail, October 3,1884.
China M ail, October 2,1884.
China M ail, October 4,1884; D aily Press, October 6,1884.
China M ail, October 6,1884; D aily Press, October 6-7,1884.
D aily Press, October 7,1884.
China M ail, October 14,1884.
17. Chang W en-hsiang kung ch'iian-chi, 119:11-13,15-17. C0129.219.20728, Foreign Office to Colonial Office, December 3, 1884, pp. 338-340; CO129.219.20997, Foreign Office to Colonial Office, December 9,1884, enclo sure 2, pp. 356-357. China M ail, September 30,1884. Eastman, "The Kwang tung Anti-foreign Disturbances," pp. 13, 14, 19, 20-21. Wang Liang, Ch'ing- chi wai-chiao shih-liao, 47:10,18.
Shu-pao, January 19, March 2, 30, October 31, November 5, 1884; January 16, 23, 31, February 6, 8, 28, March 5,13, 20, April 2, 1885.
Shu-pao, October 23,24, November 9,1884; February 8,10,1885. D aily Press, October 18,1884.
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