CONFIDENTIAL
13. On MFN, it seems unlikely that President Clinton will be willing to maintain the Bush policy of unconditional renewal -
although he and the key players in Congress may be willing to
settle for renewal in 1993, but setting out conditions which
would have to be met before further renewal in 1994. Our policy
is conditioned by the vital importance for Hong Kong of US/China
trade (70% of which flows through Hong Kong). Estimates of the
damage which would be done to Hong Kong if MFN status were
removed indicate that it could cost Hong Kong 60,000 jobs and a
halving of GNP growth. We have therefore made it clear that we
are against any linkage between MFN renewal and China's treatment
of Hong Kong. The best outcome for us would be to keep the threat of withdrawal hanging over China, but to avoid stringent
conditions (for instance linking MFN to human rights) likely to
lead to the withdrawal of MFN because the Chinese could or would
not meet them. It will be tricky to achieve this. We may need to consider lobbying in due course for conditions whose
implementation was delayed pending bilateral US/China
negotiations, and/or token conditions which did not hurt Hong
Kong.
14. On GATT, the working party formed in 1986 is in the initial stages of preparing a protocol setting out terms of Chinese
.-adherence to GATT. Negotiations could be completed by as early
as the end of 1993, although considerable differences of view do
remain between China and key GATT parties over the terms of the
protocol. While there is scope to influence the timing of
Chinese re-accession, and indeed the outcome, there are
constraints on us. Our traditional position has been to avoid
taking positions in GATT on the basis of political
considerations. We also have to work through the Commission, who
represent the Community and have competence in this area.
internat.NAT
JEB
CONFIDENTIAL
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