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much of our population and industry, our airport, container
port, power stations and reservoirs and without which the
remainder of the territory would not be viable. Indeed, since
the People's Republic of China has never recognized the
validity of that nineteenth century lease, there was also
concern, especially during the early part of the Cultural
Revolution in China, about the possibility of change even
before 1997. The modern bustling international city of Hong
Kong was built up against this background of uncertainty.
Now that uncertainty has been removed. The
Sino-British Joint Declaration sets out in considerable detail
what Hong Kong's political future will be, as well as the
policies which the Chinese Government will adopt towards the
territory after 1997. In essence the Joint Declaration
provides for Hong Kong to maintain its way of life almost
unchanged after 1997. Some changes will of course be necessary
to reflect the change of sovereignty and China's assumption of
responsibility for foreign and defence affairs. But China has
made it clear that it will be Hong Kong's own people, not
people sent from the mainland, who will comprise the government
of the Hong Kong SAR. They will have a high degree of autonomy
to administer Hong Kong essentially as it is run now. China
will not therefore "run" Hong Kong, as the press shorthand
often has it. Nor of course does Britain "run" Hong Kong today.
The Joint Declaration guarantees the continuation of
Hong Kong's present rights and freedoms, its legal system and
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