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much of our population and industry, our airport, container

port, power stations and reservoirs and without which the

remainder of the territory would not be viable. Indeed, since

the People's Republic of China has never recognized the

validity of that nineteenth century lease, there was also

concern, especially during the early part of the Cultural

Revolution in China, about the possibility of change even

before 1997. The modern bustling international city of Hong

Kong was built up against this background of uncertainty.

Now that uncertainty has been removed. The

Sino-British Joint Declaration sets out in considerable detail

what Hong Kong's political future will be, as well as the

policies which the Chinese Government will adopt towards the

territory after 1997. In essence the Joint Declaration

provides for Hong Kong to maintain its way of life almost

unchanged after 1997. Some changes will of course be necessary

to reflect the change of sovereignty and China's assumption of

responsibility for foreign and defence affairs. But China has

made it clear that it will be Hong Kong's own people, not

people sent from the mainland, who will comprise the government

of the Hong Kong SAR. They will have a high degree of autonomy

to administer Hong Kong essentially as it is run now. China

will not therefore "run" Hong Kong, as the press shorthand

often has it. Nor of course does Britain "run" Hong Kong today.

The Joint Declaration guarantees the continuation of

Hong Kong's present rights and freedoms, its legal system and

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