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It. view of the interest now being taken in the peace proposals of the Bolshevists, it may be opportuns to set forth as briefy as possible the aims and strategy of Lenin's Government in Mos- jcow in so far as it is concerned Iwith international politics, writes
a correspondent in the Times.
SATURDAY, JUNE 14. 1919.
Fr Pajal Mastante of Asprovement
more
Peace under protest was {{accepted at Brest-Litovsk, and peace under protest will be accepted to-day in Paris ΟΙ Moscow, the protest of course being "made to the proletariat world. In order to secure this peace to-day any conditions will.
the be accepted-and ruthless they are, the better for his propaganda-provided the Soviet Government is left undis turbed and the same "respite" is obtained now from the Allies as was obtained from the Germàng at Brest-Litovsk. Lenin's object în making such a peace is to use the "respite" to stir up revolution elsewhere.
JEYES FLUID
Lenin is not only in the front rank as a theorist on social and economic questions, but has prov- ed himself a first-class political strategist. His avowed aim is world revolution, brought about by the dictatorship of the proletariat] and a world federation of Soviets controlled by the prolétarian dic- tatars in each country.
People may "smile at the the- oretical side of the propaganda and the exposition of the complete communist system. But the dan- gerous, and indeed deadly, side of the propaganda is its destructive Lapect, the careful selection of everything that may tend to uz- dermine the credit of all non- communist Governments, and the sowing of suspicion 'against them in everything they do or say.
Side by side with the written propaganda there is a large band of skilfully-trained agitators, with unlimited sums of money at their disposal, prepared to support any movement, not necessarily Bol- shevist in oharacter, provided it can inflame the passions and help to create that revolutionary fer- ment out of which in due time
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The protests of the Bolshevists, however, do not only take the form of denunciation of the other side who use heir superior force to impose conditions. They are always accompanied by profes- sions of faith clothed in the language of extreme democracy. To all territorial questions the Bolshevista reply is "Self-deter- mination.**
Why then do the Bolshevists raise the cry of. "Self-determina- tion of peoples!" when it is notorious that they think not of peoples but only of one class in each country? This formula was hotly disputed in the Bolshevist party in the days when Lenin worked in Switzerland. It was Lenin who supported the formula,; Bolshevism in all its nakedness and with his help it was accepted may be born."
at the Zimmerwald Conference. The fundamental principle of is obvious. To the Bolsberists. Lenin's support of the formula Lenin's diplomacy, from Brest whose primary object is to destroy Litovsk to the present moment. has been self-defence. And his
the existing State formations be chief weapon of self-defence has communist society, self-deter fore constructing their cew been peace in the face of jorcmination is an ideal cry, while majeur.
**SELF-DEFENCE.”
Studebaker
Tel. No. 1913.
to the States themselves which in their present form sre the result of history, geography, and economica wholesale self- determination is manifestly impossible. Once therefore we try to come to terms with Lenin on this basis it is he who will appear as the up-holder of 28, Des Voeux Rd. minorities, while we shall be forced on to the defensive. The Bolshevists speak s differet:t language from the democracies of Europe and America, and any arrangement we make with them will be regarded by them as, in Zinovieff's words, "a scrap of paper." They are prepared to meet any argument save that of force...
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A. POLICY OF COMPROMISE. Lenin's overwhelming desire for peace is due to the fact that he knows it is peace alone that can save him. It is maintained by those who urge a policy of compromise with Lenin that military opposition to, the Soviet Government only strengthens its position, while the conclusion of peace weakene it. Such people i believe that the present polier of Allied intervention has thrown the masses on to the side of the Bolshevists, and that if the Allies concluded peace and withdrew their forces the Soviet Govern- ment would automatically aban- don the
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"terror" and develop LADIES AND GENTS TAILORING
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People who so argue not only ignore the fundamental tenets of the Bolshevist creed, which re- jects the fdea of democracy and representative institutions, but refuse to accept the fact that] Bolshevism remains in power to- day in Russia not through moral but physical force. This is proved by the recent rising of the working classes in Petrograd and the way it was suppressed by force. It the latter were removed Lenin would be overthrown, and no matter what assurances he may give he will not adopt democratic methods and freely accept the will of the majority, Bolshevism cannot compromise with demo- cracy, any more than democracy. can compromise with Bolshevism. It is not the presence of Allied troops that makes, Bolshevism so extreme; it is the Bolshevist system itself. The withdrawal of our troops would not change the system; it would merely strengthen the bands of those who control it.
Another reason why Lenin is Dow seeking peace and recogni- tion of his Government is his knowledge that such a step on part would enormously
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increase the prestige, of Bol- THE MOTOR UNION: chevism in Europe. This is véry often overlooked by those who favour the conclusion of peace
(inc uding saturdays).with Lenin, but to Lenin it is, a
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point of primary importance. The "Severnavja Kommuna (Nor- thern Commune") of March 23, writes as follows:--
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