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C. MARTIN WILBUR
Besides his power as disciplinarian in his immediate family, the Chia-chang has much influence as an arbitrator of disputes in which members of the "larger family" are concerned. The significant aspect of this fact is that it provides a basis and a training within the family for the larger discipline of the village group. This training is absolutely essential for a mode of government which rests, not so much upon a system of law as in the West, but more upon custom and usage. The significance is enhanced, moreover, when it is remembered that the Chinese family is often a larger unit than that of the Occident, extending over several generations and including many more individuals than those comprised of the sex family alone.1 This large group offers a training in self-restraint and discipline which the smaller sex family does not require and does not afford.
The ethical and religious responsibilities of the Chia-chang are also significant. He is the perpetuator of customary ethics. Most of the important values of Chinese life arise from the family group, and they are respected because of their power to strengthen the familistic system. These values the Chia-chang constantly reinforces by his words and deeds. As religious head of the family he performs the rites of ancestor worship. His authority to perform these ceremonies rests upon his position as oldest male descendant of the group of ancestors being worshipped. These rites are important because they are calculated to bring good fortune to the family. Secondarily they serve to solidify the family group, and also to enhance the moral position of the Chia-chang.
The duties of the Chia-chang in the various fields described - administrative and financial, moral, ethical and religious - correspond exactly to the several functions of the village elders. These men are the administrative, judicial and ethical leaders of the village. And it is important to note that exactly those forces which cooperate to give the Chia-chang his authority, likewise, but to a lesser degree, enhance the position of the elders.
1 Buck found that in the rural families included in his survey, sixty-four percent of all families are of the "larger family" type, and that the relatives in these "larger families", excluding those of the marriage group of the male head, bear to the total population a proportion of 45.3 percent. He believes, however, that the system is breaking down, and states that the increasing population in relation to the comparatively stationary tillable area is probably chiefly responsible for this tendency. Buck; op. cit., p. 335.