cost doctrinaire espousal of laicsox-fairo philosophy. Free elementary
education was introduced, though not on a compulsory
basis in 1971.
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The profit rotivo moreover and its consequences are clearly covereign in
Hong Kong, but it does not enjoy untrammelled authority and sovereignty.
In a Chinese society, position, hierarchy and stability count for much,
and in a senco, corves as the social coment for every society in which
the Chinose dominato. The pervacion of a capitalist society with "faco",
attitudos to authority, posture and colidarity are crucially important.
Sono Chinese think only in terms of profit and loca; they are often very
woalthy. It is porhang more characteristic of the behaviour wasterners
who come to find their fortunes in Hong Kong that among them the profit
motive can be said to operate, Honco thoco frequently describe Hong Kong
as a materialistic society. Yet government spends about $1,000 million
on social corvices.
The profit motivo la 'rootless' and; in the dosper sence, meaningless as
a cotivo. While it may even be fully acceptable as an 'ethio' for some,
it does not accord woll with the Chinese socialization process, whose
effect hao boen "to produce individuals with a strong sense of the
advantage of order,
43 disciplino, propriety and competence".
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The final three items in Crossland's Hist refer to "the neutrality of
govornzent, the typical laiccos-faire division of income (which
presumably means income inequality)" and the ideology of individual
rights. Without doubt the Hong Kong government is a 'noutral' in the
conce that it is the recipient of pressures and not their instigator,
and without doubt thoro is little or nothing of the classical liberal
ideology of individual rights to be found in
.
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Hong Kong. Howover the various incozo differentials do not necessary
revent the typical laitsex-fairo division of income. Far from
exporiancing a Harxist depreciation of the proletariat, the employeo's
vago position improved betvees 1964-1973, so much that, during this
period average wages rosa 634 in each terms
The Employment Amendment Ordinanco was passed, "making and 32 in real
terms. it an offence for employers to hire labour which they knew they
would bo unable
44
to pay".
It was ootimated that Hong Kong's averago ducono per hand was no high na
V.5. 3600 per annum, thich in terms of comparable Asian countriod was
remarkably high.
Hong Kong then, if a capitalist's paradice (for capitalists), was not a
In 1970, for example, Hong Kong placed severe restrictions capitalist
culture. upon any civil corvants seen to be living beyond their means
(the French rolatod concept of 'evidencos extoriauren do la richesse')
to prove that thoy had
If this was a obtained their income in an unimpeachable and correct
mannor. restriction upon civil servants, it was in a sense also a
restriction upon the tampters. While there may very well be a Chinese
political culture and even a Hong Kong political culture, it does not
always pay to believe that men will always act altruistically. Hong Kong
is not, as we have suggested, to be classified or labelled in any
particular way. Moreover, its future is clouded by uncertainty. However,
the enquiror should not hold back from analysing the situation in an
attempt to discover the options opon in the Hong Kong puzzlo, on which
banis wo now proceed. There would appear to be four particular elements
in the situation on which the future of Hong Kong as an independent city
state appear to defend. Firstly is its relationship with its giant
parent. The question which has to
-
small-country pattern
be answered in this connection is whether the big-country can poraict
without Hong Kong simply bocoming a 'donino' (a rich and ripe domino)
either after or sozoțime before 1997.. What is really at issue is
whether Kong Kong can become an independent Cantonese republic; for
after all the logic of the campaign to make Cantonese an official
language is the logic of Cantonese nationalium. One vondora whether
Poking would tolerate a city of banko and 'exporta', but the doos co
now.
E
44-1971 Yonrbank, Far Eastern Fannomic Review, p. 151.
21
In the second place, much will depend upon the various positions taken
as between Chira and the Soviet Union. If the Sino-Soviet confrontation
intoncifios
and worsens, then the repercussions are likely to be felt upon Hong
Kong. Tho Soviet Government is likely to bocoma interoated in Hong Kong,
particularly if
the city reverts to the mainland. In short, como "bucklash' is
inovitable upon
Hong Kong given a chango in the relationship between the two great
super-povore.
The details of the 'backlash' are unknown to us. The paradox of the
situation
is that Soviet interest in Hong Kong is likely to be less well-developed
provided
the British maintain their colonial too-hold, but the removal of this is
likoly
to bring long Kong into the cotaphorical firing-line.
In the third place, many Chinese in Hong Kong will have to make careful
calculations regarding their future and the bonefits to be gained from
continuing
to stay in Hong Kong as 1997 approachoo. Hany Hong Kong Chinoso votod
with thoir
folt' to leave China either in 1949 or later and at least 10,000 still
escape
from the mainland every year. If they have to think the unthinkable'
again and
nako an organising choico, would a new exodus take place, and if so to
where? Even the communists in Hong Kong must be uncertain of their
future given a consunist
occasion to power.
It is a classic complaint that cone poople (such as liu) ofton "wave the
rod flag to oppose the red flag" or that they are "left in form but
richt in essenco". The borderline between 'true' and 'false' policies
can be drawn only with the utmost difficulty. One calculation which can
be made with some cortainty in that Hong Kong's banking and financial
buoyancy must subside aftor the first suggestiona that the mainland is
prepared to abcorb the city. This point has been put with simple clarity
by a recent historian. "... Tho political (Eritish) empire still exists
in Hong Kong, but it can hardly survivo
beyond 1998, then the leam of the low Territorica comos to an ond and
Hong Kong,
"45 acrosa a narrow strait from a hostile China, will become virtually
untenable."
Of cource not all analysts agros with this view,
China may adopt a course of cweet reasonableness.
"Arthur Huck ougcosta that
45 G. Woodcock, The British in the Far Eant (Woidenfold and Nicolson)
1969, p. 245.
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22
absorption will probably bo dofurred until the Chinese economy is a
great deal stronger. For the immediate future the econonte advantages of
leaving them intact are considerablo. When the louco of the Rou
Territories which forms the greater part of the Crown Colony of Hong
Kong runs out in 1999 (sic), China may use the occasion to negotiato the
absorption of the colony; but it is by no means certain cho will
46 want to do so even then."
It is unlikely that many people make this serene assessment. Post are
inclined
to calculate on a less optimistic basis. Those who are able and willing
to
retreat socothero in the West will clearly do so. Those who must rosain,
the
vast majority, will leave their children to survey the options two
decados hence.
The fourth element in the discussion concerns the role yet to be played
in
Eastern Asia by the United States. It has been suggested above that Hong
Kong's
position vis-a-vis the United States has been uncertain but given a
general
relaxation of hostility between China and America, Hong Kong should be
acourod of
a greater measure of respect from the U.S.A. It may be of some interest
to note
that the U.S. ban withdraw from the U.ll. Committee of Twenty-four (the
special
committee on colonialism). What is likely to omorge is a new debato on
the place
of the so-called Third China. If Feking (the first China) finda itself
implacably
opposed to Taiwan (the second China), what would be ito attitude towards
a third
China (Hong Kong as an independent off-share Cantonose republic)? Put in
theas
terms the answer can be only on resounding vote of confidence in the
status quo.
Indeed some people regard the 'fear of a third China' argument as a
conservative
bogoy equivalent to an appeal not to rock the colonial boat.
However, this argument may be obsolescent. Given a seating of Peking in
the United Nations in the foreseeable future, the place of the Second
China may
be nearer solution in the sense that Taiwan's position can become only
weaker and
nover stronger.
46 A. Hluck, The Security of China (Columbia University Proso, N.Y.)
(for
Institute of Strategic Studies, London) 1973, p. 90.
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The Feople's Phily has solemnly stated: "Hong Kong has been Chinoce
territory since ancient tizco. This is a fact know to all, old and young
in
the world. More than a century ago British Imperialism camo to China by
pirate
ships provided the criminal "opium war", massacred nunorous Chinese
people and
occupied the Chinese territory of Hong Kong. Later it snapped the
Chinose
territory of Kowloon and the Chinese territory of the "Now Forritories",
This
is an enormous blooddebt British Imperialian owes to the Chinoce people.
Sooner
or later the Chinese people will make a thoroughgoing liquidation of
this debt,"
147
What is wrong with this statement is concerned in the term Chinese
people.
Of course the 'Chinese people' are represented as a unity, and indeed
the great Han
people represent a passive testament to ethnic homogeneity. However,
Hong Kong
Chinese are constantly subjccted to relentless woaternisation in often
the crudost
and most rapacious forms, through the press, television, cinema and
radio. No
longer do most Hong Kong Chinese wear traditional dress or hair-styles
or necessarily
behave the same as their mainland compatriota. The English language has
a high
prestige anongst young Hong Kong Chinese in spite of their enthusiasm
for Chinese
as an official language. They are interested in the so-called
'modernisation
process' and Apter's well-known book The Politics of Moderniņation has
an especial
appeal for many Hong Kong University students precisely because it
appears to be
concerned with their predicament.
Hence it is not clear that the Chiness people aro consciously
collectively
and permanently infuriated at the thought of Imperialism on the
doorstep. That
Hong Kong is a valuable asset is plain to noe but it is not economics
plone which
has permitted Britain to retain its control, as no have already
suggested. The
clus to this is to be sought in the laws of power politics and to some
extent, in
the simple fact of personality. Mao Tse-tung has ruled China for 21
years and
Hong Kong has been socure during this period. It may very well be then,
that. aftor
his departure, and even before 1997, the situation may change. The
French speak
of l'apres-gaullisino; might thore not be such a thing as
l'apres-maoicmo?
47 People's Daily, August 20, 1967.
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Whatover are the reasons which impol Poking to permit Hong Kong to
curvive may
very well disappear cîter Hao'o coath. His demise and removal may give
way to
a succession disputo in which each sido tries to demonstrate that it is
hollor-
than-thou in obedience to his memory (plus maoistoque Mao). The
cubjuration of
the Imperialist vorm on the doorstep may be a small and simple way of
establishing
oneself in the corridors of pozor in Poking.
Churchill once described Russia as a riddle wrapped in un enigna inside
a
mystery. It is tempting to reapply this cliche to China and particularly
to
China's thinking on liong Kong. Yet the simple fact which is constantly
forgotten
is that China consists of about one-quarter of the world's population.
To expoct
consistency, clarity and continuity more than actually is the case (and
whích ic
to a degree romarkable) may be to expect too much. It was after all, Nao
himself
who wrote a famous essay in 1957, On the Correct Handling of
Contradictions Anong
The People. That sone contradictions remain, including the situation of
Hong
Kong itself ought porhaps to surprise nobody.
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CJ Kovella Baq FOG LO
17 June 1971
d/d...17/6
PAPER BY PROFESSOR HARRIS
News Agut
1. Hong Kong telegram No 408 referred to a paper prepared by Professor
Harris for the Hoover Institute about the 'International Puture of Hang
Long'. Could we see a copy?
Copy tor
1 0 Bazuel Isq
Peking
J DI Boyd Beq Washington
L V Appleyard
Far Eastern Department
(16181) D4.727490 750M 171 Hw.
NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN
Registry No.
SECURITY CLASSIFICATION
Top Secret,
Secret.
Confidential,
Restricted. Unclassified
PRIVACY MARKING
In Confidence
DRAFT
To:-
CJ Howells
HK
Type 1 +
From
спа
Telephone No. & Ext.
Department
Paper by Professor Harris
Hong Kong telegram No. 408 referred to a paper for the Hrores Institute
prepared by Professor Hanis about the
Fiature of Hong Kong! Could we see a
кад
"Intematinal
copy?
a. R(Jamal
все
Renning
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