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ANTHONY GREX

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FILE No. FEC130/1 TITLE: CHINA

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FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS IN:

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ANNEX. (Part .)

ANTHONY GREY.

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YEAR STAMP

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FEE 134/1

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Far Eastern Department,

Jhonist

1 August, 1969

Anthony Grey

907

Your telegram No. 2115 of 25 July mentioned the remarks of the Secretary
of State on the difficulty of arranging an exchange for Anthony Grey.
You will subsequently have seen these remarks in full in our telegram
No. 250. You may well have wondered whether we were about to strip the
vell from our covert channel to the Chinese in Hong Kong and from the
discussions that have taken place through it. This is not the intention,
By agreement with the Governor of Hong Kong we have been referring the
curious to Mr. George Brown's letter of 1967 to Chen Yi and to
subsequent official exchanges in Peking. No mention is being made (other
than to Mr. Gerald Long of Reuters) of the covert channel. is a slight
form of cheating, but necessary.

This

2. I enelose copies of two submissions of 23 and 31 July to give you
some idea of how we are trying to conduct the defence.

(J. D. I. Boyd)

x. M. Wilford, Esq., C.M.G.

WASHINGTON,

*-who already komink

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934

233

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thanks

14 AUG 1969

bany

Sir S. Tomlinson

A Wilgo.r.

I 1918

COVERT CONTACTS WITH THE CHINESE AUTHORITIES

THROUGH HONG KONG

From my submissions on the case of Mr. Anthony Grey,

the detained Reuters correspondent in Peking, you will

already be aware of the existence of a covert channel to

the Chinese authorities on the mainland through Hong Kong.

This may be the moment to set out what we know at greater

length.

2. The go-between in Hong Kong is a local businessman of

Chinese race, K. C. Jay. He has acted as a point of

contact between ourselves and the Chinese authorities on

the mainland for a number of years. He is regularly in

touch with Mr. Jack Cater of the Hong Kong Trade and

Development Council, a career Civil Servant of the Hong Kong

Government on detached duty. The following is a brief

assessment of the advantages and disadvantages of the use

of this channel.

Advantages

3. It is clearly useful to have a point of contact in

Hong Kong with the mainland authorities through whom messages

of a practical, and occasionally of a political character,

can be passed. There is of course already one such point

of contact.

The principal representation of the mainland

interest in the Colony ie, as in many parts of the world,

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930

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the New China News Agency.

Business of a practical

nature has often to be conducted through this body.

However, the N.C.N.A. has tried for many years to acquire

a quasi-consular position as the spokesman of "progressive"

Chinese elements in the Colony vis-à-vis the Hong Kong

Government and all business conducted through the N.C.N.A.,

treated as the interlocuteur valable of the Chinese

Government in the Colony, tends inevitably to enhance the

public standing of the organisation. This, for obvious

reasons, we are anxious to discourage. Jay's first value

therefore is that he provides an alternative to the N.C.N.A.

4. Jay's second point of value is that he is deniable.

The Hong Kong public do not know that he is a channel to the

mainland and arrangements reached through him have the

advantage that they remain without official character unless

the Hong Kong Government decides otherwise. An example of

this function is offered by the case of Mr. Grey.

It was

possible to conduct with Peking a form of flexible negotiation

over Mr. Grey (albeit unsuccessful) which could not be done

through more orthodox channels, for fear of the consequences

for public confidence in Hong Kong. Such a negotiation

would be much more difficult to conduct through the diplomatic

channel in Peking (or in London) where, given the nature of

relations between officials on our side and their Chinese

counterparts, it would have to proceed by rigidly formal

steps, and where bargaining might in effect be ruled out by

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Chinese unwillingness to be dislodged from any position

which they had formally taken up.

Disadvantages

5.

The disadvantages of the Jay channel are, however, considerable. First,
like many such go-betweens, he has

a tendency to want to be all things to all men. Not content with passing
messages to us from the Chinese authorities, he is unable to refrain
from embellishing them with personal philosophy and advice and it is
often difficult to disentangle the two strands. A second functional
disadvantage is his

reluctance to work to one master alone on the Chinese side. Jay works in
the first instance to the Kanager of the Bank of China in Hong Kong, who
is known to be a competent and responsible official enjoying the
confidence of the Peking authorities. However, Jay also claims to carry
on a personal correspondence with Chou En-lai's private secretary in
Peking. Based on this latter correspondence he produces assessments of
the balance of forces among the leaders in Peking (on the lines of
"extremists" versus "moderates") which sometimes look like playbacks of
assessments by Western "China-watchera" and consequently liable to be
misleading; seem designed deliberately to make our flesh creep and hurry
us into concessions.

The Balance

and which sometimes

6. Thus there must be reservations about the reliability of this
channel. Nevertheless, we know from discussions last

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year that the Governor of Hong Kong has a ome faith in

Jay. And our friends, whose experience of Jay goes back

some years, have in the past found him to be a reliable

contact. I myself favour the continuing use of the channel

provided we remember what we are doing; we must continue to

treat Jay's messages from China with a large pinch of salt and

set out the messages we wish to have conveyed back in a form

that is entirely unambiguous. If the Chinese attempt to

set a price (in terms of the release of prisoners in Hong

Kong) on the British subjects, other than Mr. Grey, still in

detention in China, we may be glad of Jay's services, if only

to try to head the Chinese off.

Recent Exchanges

7.

Meanwhile the continuing conversations between Jay and

Er. Jack Cater provide a certain insight into the thoughts

and neuroses of the Chinese leadership vis-à-vis Hong Kong.

8. Mr. Cater's report of 20 June provides good examples

of mainland thinking. In this conversation Jay purports to

express mainland preoccupations about the next incumbent of

the governorship of Hong Kong and about the next Colonial

Secretary. This simply confirms yet again the anxiety of

the Chinese of which we have always been aware that these

posts should not fall into other than British handa. (It is

simply a detailed reflexion of the Chinese anxiety that

nothing should ever happen that might contribute towards a

change of constitutional status for the Colony whether it

1

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be self-government, independence or some form of

internationalised status.) Jay then goes on to set out

i.e.

the communist attitude to Hong Kong,/that the communists have

no love at all for capitalist economics as such and would

dearly love to undermine the Hong Kong administration, but

that in practice they find Hong Kong too valuable in its

present form, both economically and politically, to upset

the applecart; and that they are less likely to change their

mind if they continue to see that we ourselves are prepared to

use considerable firmness to keep the applecart upright.

Jay comments interestingly that the date of 1997, when our

lease on the New Territories expires, "really means nothing".

We have already written to the Political Adviser in Hong Kong

asking for an exegesis of this phrase. In particular, we

have asked for an opinion as to whether Jay was speaking on

instructions or simply venturing a personal view. Meanwhile

I would only venture the remark that reassuring words about

1997 from the communists are not necessarily an accurate guide

to their eventual intentions. For one thing, they will no

doubt continue to weigh up the balance of gain and loss that

would accrue from a takeover of the Colony, not to mention

the balance of forces involved at any one time in any test

of wills. Second, there is no interest for the communiste

in taking over a bankrupt Colony and the only way to preserve

prosperity in Hong Kong in the interim is for them to let it

- 5 -

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be thought that they have no intention of ever taking over.

9. Finally, Jay refers to the possible repercussions for

Hong Kong of recognition of China by the United States.

Here we are up against a hypothetical situation. Factors

that would modify Jay's warning are the question of physical

facilities (1.e. whether the Chinese can develop Shanghai as

a viable alternative to the splendid port of Hong Kong) and

whether or not United States big business decides to continue

to use Hong Kong as its base for the China trade or to abandon

it. I do not think we need let ourselves be too alarmed at

this stage by Jay's predictions.

г

Jams Manay

(James Murray)

12 August, 1969.

Copies to: Sir L. Monson o.r.

Mr. Wilford

Mr. Carter O..

P.U.S.D.

K.C. Panerus O.SE. 3/3/70

· 6 -

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(111291) D4. 391599 - 1,300 2,00 Hw.

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

Registry No.

ÈCURITY CLASSIFICATION

Top Secret.

Secret.

Confidential

Restricted.

Unclassified.

PRIVACY MARKING

-----~ ~➖➖➖ ➖➖➖ ➖ ➖➖ ➖ ➖➖➖ ➖ ➖➖ ➖

In Confidence

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DRAFT Submission

Type 1 +

From

To:-

Sus Tomlins

James Murray

Telephone No. & Ext.

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COVERT CONTACTS WITH THE CHINESE AUTHORITIES THROUGH

HONG KONG

From my submissions on the case of M. Anthony

Grey, the detained Reuters correspondent in Peking, you

will already be aware of the existengé of a covert

channel to the Chinese authorities on the mainland

through Hong Kong. This may be the moment to set out

what we know at greater lengt

2.

a logo husinsman of Carmest rave, The go-between in Hong Kong is/F. K.
C. Jay. He

Hong/Kong

has acted as a point of contact between ourselves and

the Chinese authorities on the mainland for a number of

years. The following is a brief assessment of the

advantages and disadvantages of the use of this channel.

Advantages

3. It is clearly useful to have a point of contact in

Hong Kong with the mainland authorities through whom

messages of a practical, and occasionally of a political

Theme is win onderdry me surt prout Ą contact. character, can be passed.
The principal representation

of the mainland interest in the Colony is, as in many

world D

parts of the lopy, the New China News Agency. the New China News Agency.

Busi-

ness of a practical nature has often to be conducted

through this body.

However, the NCNA/has tried for

many years to acquire a quasi-consular position as the

2

spokesman of "progressive" Chinese elements in the

Colony vis-à-vis the Hong Kong Government and

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/all

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

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all business conducted through the NCNA,

treated as the inten locuteur valable of the

Chinese Government in the Colony, tenda

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that they remain without official character

unless the Hong Kong Government decides other-

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