(i)
would it? ? like an Assue Plas
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ی سلام خستگی از آن
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Page 172 an arrangement whereby, in return for recognition of Chinese sovereignty we should be recognised as a good "sitting tenant" with the prospect of a Chinese representative in Hong Kong and the prospect of some flexibility for constitutional advance towards more representative institutions than exist at present (option d); and
(ii) Chinese recognition of a "special status"
for Hong Kong whereby local Chinese would assume responsibility for internal government (permitting HMG to withdraw) in exchange for recognition of Chinese sovereignty (option e).
The first seems more likely to maintain local stability and be acceptable to China since it avoids the risk of a situation analogous to Taiwan but the second may well be preferable to HMG.
14. The Chinese may of course refuse to discuss the future of Hong Kong with us were we to approach them about it. They may seek to put us off with the flexible but vague formula in paragraph 6 above, particularly if the character of the then Chinese Government were substantially little different from the present one. They might expect us to deduce their attitude by their actions as they do at present; and expect foreign investors and the local Hong Kong population alike to be similarly guided.
This would,
of course, place them as at present, in an extremely strong position and us in a correspondingly weak one. Indeed, any change from their present attitude would be less advantageous to them. Our strongest card, in such an eventuality, would be the consideration, almost the certainty, that foreign investors, without whom the Hong Kong economy would quickly decline, would not be prepared to take the ever increasing risk as 1997 approached, leaving China with a rapidly diminishing asset. But the Chinese may be ready to give confidence building signs to the Hong Kong business community without making any firm commitment
to us.
/15.
7386 D073815 140M 5/74 Cr.P.C. Gp.839/3
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