fleet, joined the advanced squadron under Captain Kep
pel, bringing the first intelligence of the fight of the
previous day.
We must now return for a moment to Chin-keang,
which we left in the last chapter in the possession of
our troops, the greater part of which were already pro
paring to move up towards Nankin . Another attempt
was now made by the Chinese commissioners, Keying and
Elepoo, to open negotiations with the Plenipotentiary ;
but since they did not even now produce full authority
from the Emperor to treat for peace, no other than the
answer they had previously received could be given to
them.
It has before been mentioned that the Tartar general,
Hailing, when he saw that all was lost, set fire to his
house, and burned himself to death in it. His wife and
his grandson shared the same fate ; at least so it would
appear from the orders issued by the Emperor after
wards, whose mandate was sent to Keying, “ that he
should despatch messengers to make diligent search for
their bodies, in order that great honours might be con
ferred upon them . Such loyalty and devotion are wor
thy of the highest praise !" A temple was also ordered
to be erected to his memory, as soon as the war should
be ended , upon which his own name, and also those of
his wife and his grandson, were to be inscribed . More
over, as soon as the prescribed period of mourning of
one hundred days should have expired, the whole of his
sons and daughters were to be sought out, and con
430 CCCUPATION OF CHIN -KEANG .
ducted into the imperial presence. Such, then, are the
rewards which the Emperor holds out to those who put
an end to their own lives after a defeat, rather than “ live
to fight another day ! "
Sir Hugh Gough, finding that it would take a much
larger body of men to garrison the town than could be
spared from his small force, and that, moreover, it could
scarcely be considered habitable during the great heat,
on account of the horrible stench proceeding from the
dead bodies of the fallen Tartars (principally by their
own hands), and from the stagnant water in the smaller
canals, determined merely to occupy the heights com
manding the city towards its north -eastern angle. Major
general Schoedde's brigade was to be left in charge of
the place, together with a detachment of artillery. In
order to establish a direct communication between the
heights and the city on that side, a portion of the wall
was blown in (with very large charges of Chinese pow
der) , and the rubbish removed , so as to leave a large,
free opening into the city. The whole line of parapet
on that side was also demolished . Another hill coni
manding the southern entrance to the Grand Canal was
also to be occupied. The troops left behind were quite
sufficient to hold these positions against any force the
Chinese could bring against them after their late defeat.
It consisted of the 55th regiment, and one company of
the 98th, with the 2nd and 6th M. N. I., with artillery
and sappers.
Perhaps the most curious object discovered at Chin
keang, and which has excited many ingenious specu
lations as to the ancient progress of the Chinese in many
CAST IRON TEMPLE . 431
of the useful arts, was a small Pagoda made entirely of
cast iron . Some have called it Gutzlaff's Pagoda, for
he is said to have been the first to find it out ; and it
excited so much attention, that the question was at one
time mooted, as to the possibility of taking it to pieces,
and conveying it to England, as a remarkable specimen
of Chinese antiquity. Nor would this have been at all
impossible ; for, although it had seven stories, it was
altogether little more than thirty feet high, and each
story was cast in separate pieces. It was of an octa
gonal shape, and had originally been ornamented in
high relief on every side, though the lapse of ages had
much defaced the ornaments. It was calculated by
Mr. Gutzlaff, that this remarkable structure must be
at least twelve hundred years old, judging from the cha
racters still found upon it. Whatever its age may be,
there can be no question that it proves the Chinese
were acquainted with the art of casting large masses of
iron, and of using them both for solidity and for orna
ment, centuries before it was adopted in Europe. One
can scarcely help regretting that this little Pagoda was
not taken to pieces and brought to England, as a much
finer and more worthy trophy than all the guns cap
tured during the war.
On the 2nd of August, the preparations were all com
pleted for the advance of the forces upon Nankin, the
surveying vessels having already preceded the squadron.
The principal difficulty which remained to be overcome
was the great force of the current, which it required a
strong favourable wind to enable the ships to stem .
Indeed, without the assistance of steamers, it is
432 ADVANCE ON NANKIN .
doubtful whether all the ships could have got up. On
the 5th, the General reached Nankin in the Marion
transport, towed by the Queen steamer, having the
Plenipotentiary on board.
On the following day, the Admiral got up in the
Cornwallis, with some other vessels, but the whole of
the squadron did not join until the 9th. The Nemesis
attended a part of the fleet, to render assistance
wherever it was most required, particularly in getting
off the transports which took the ground, a service re
quiring no little judgment and perseverance. Just
below Nankin the river takes a very considerable bend ,
its former course having been nearly east and west, while
it now turns nearly due south until it has passed Nan
kin. There is, however, a cut, or canal, or creek, at all
events a water passage, which cuts off this bend, of
course materially shortening the distance, which from
point to point is about ten miles round, and only six
miles by the cut. The passage, however, is narrow ;
but the Nemesis, taking in tow one of the transports,
found her way safely through it.
On the 10th, the proper positions were assigned to
the ships, in case it should be necessary to bombard the
city . The nearest point of the walls to the river was
about seven hundred yards, and the nearest gate about
one thousand. The Cornwallis, Blonde, and heavy
steamers were placed so as to breach the walls, if
required.
Already before leaving Chin-keang, a regular sum
mons had been sent up to Nankin , addressed to New
Kien, the viceroy of the Province. It was hoped that
INTERCEPTED DESPATCH . 433
by these means bloodshed might be avoided. Imme
diately the forces arrived before the city, it was deter
mined that the troops should be landed without delay,
with aa view to make a strong demonstration against the
city, and there was some reason to think that this would
be sufficient to decide the wavering councils of the
Chinese, without further resort to arms; and, at all
events, it was requisite to support our demands by a
show of the means of enforcing them.
f A memorial was intercepted, addressed to the Em
peror by the Tartar general commanding at Nankin,
boldly announcing the defeat and dispersion of the Chi
nese troops, and the imminent danger even of Nankin
itself. It was evident that great alarm was felt, and
that a general desire to stay hostilities had got the
better of all their hatred of the foreigners. The
entire stoppage of the trade of that part of the empire,
and the distress resulting from it, tended very mate
rially to promote this desirable object.
The venerable Elepoo had arrived at Nankin nearly
at the same time with Sir Henry Pottinger ; and very
soon afterwards Keying, the other Imperial Commis
sioner, a member of the imperial house sent expressly
from Pekin, joined his colleague. Various messages
and writings now passed between the Governor of Nan
kin , New Kien, and the Plenipotentiary, in which ,
among other things, a heavy ransom was offered for
the city. In short, the grand effort of the Chinese
authorities was to gain time, to defer the evil hour of
absolute concession to our demands, and to put us off
in some way or other for the moment, as they had
VOL . II . F F
434 SIR HENRY POTTINGER .
formerly done at Canton, without committing them
selves to a final settlement of affairs.
Fortunately, they had a man of determined energy
and statesmanlike qualities to deal with, in Sir Henry
Pottinger ; one who took a broad, defined view of all
the questions involved, and who would not swerve for a
moment from what he considered just demands and
capable of being enforced . All the astute efforts of
the Chinese to temporize, to shirk the main question, to
save their own dignity, and to withhold what was due
to that of their opponents, were promptly and ener
getically met. With all the honour which we justly
accord to the naval and military operations of the war,
with all due consideration for the diplomatic difficulties
which had hitherto beset our efforts to make an equita
ble adjustment of the pending disputes, we cannot but
concede to Sir Henry Pottinger the well-earned palm
of praise and eminence for the consummate tact and skill
with which he conducted the difficult negotiations at
Nankin to a speedy and successful issue.
It is not necessary, nor indeed would it be an easy
matter even for one initiated into the secrets of the di
plomatic correspondence which followed , to describe all
the attempts at evasion which were made by the Chi
nese, and the cunning with which they at first endea
voured to arrogate to their Emperor and to themselves
superior titles of distinction and precedence. Even
when it was announced that the High Commissioners,
Elepoo and Keying, had arrived, with full powers under
the imperial pencil to treat upon every subject, it was
no easy task to bring them to straightforward matters
FORCES BEFORE NANKIN . 435
of business, or to force them to produce the actual
instrument of authority which they professed to pos
sess .
The landing of the troops, however, and the
earnest preparations wbich were made for storming the
city, tended to bring them speedily to their senses.
After deducting the garrison left at Chin-keang; and
the sick which remained on board the transports, the
actual force at Sir Hugh Gough's disposal for the
attack of the city amounted to about three thousand
four hundred men, exclusive of the officers ; a force
sufficient for the easy attainment of the object itself,
but very small indeed for the duties likely to be re
quired of it, when once in possession of the city.
Sickness would very soon have greatly reduced the
number of effective men ; and, although they would in
case of need have received accessions, by the addition
of the marines and seamen of the squadron, still there
were even at that time so many sick on board the ships,
that it would have been very difficult to make any cal
culation as to the number which would have remained
fit for service at the end of a couple of months.
The waters of the river were exceedingly high ; in
many parts the banks were overflowed in the neigh
bourhood of the city, and fever and cholera were the
most dangerous enemies to be apprehended . In every
point of view, it is a matter of the greatest congratula
tion, not only that the war was so soon brought to a
close, but even that our forces were not detained for
any great length of time at Nankin .
Had the terms, which, as before stated, had been
offered by New Kien , the governor of the city, been
F F 2
436 NANKIN ,
accepted, instead of the Chinese being compelled to
make peace at once , it is probable that the war would
have been longer protracted , and that our forces would
have descended the river, re infectâ, and Hang-chow
foo and Soo-chow-foo would have been the next points
of attack. In this way, it would have been difficult to
assign any near period for the termination of the war ;
for, as long as the Chinese could shift the scene of the
drama from one part to another, they were less likely
to bend the neck and yield to the inevitable necessity
of making peace, short of our dictating its terms at
Pekin itself. The stoppage of the trade of the Great
Imperial Canal, with all its numerous ramifications,
struck a heavier blow than the force of our arms could
have inflicted by the mere capture of Nankin ; and in
fact the expedition up the Yangtze -Keang, with the
alarm and distress occasioned by the stoppage of all
that immense internal trade, and the moral effect pro
duced by our presence unchecked and apparently irre
sistible in the interior of the country, at a distance of
two hundred and twenty miles from the river's mouth ,
had much more real effect in inducing the haughty
Chinese government to succumb, than the mere terror
of our arms in open fight, or the knowledge of the vast
power and resources of Great Britain, which they were
then in reality only beginning to feel.
The position of Nankin is evidently well chosen for
that of a great capital; but alas ! how fallen is the cit
from its ancient importance and extent.. There are
remains of an ancient or outer wall, which can be
traced over hill and dale for a distance of not less than
NANKIN . 437
thirty-five miles . The Chinese have a saying that if
two horsemen start at daybreak from any given point of
the walls, in opposite directions, and gallop round the
walls of the city, they will not meet until sunset. But
this must be a regular Chinese gallop, and not exactly
that of an English hunter. The Chinese horses are
mere ponies. How much of this immense space was in
ancient times occupied by houses, it would be difficult
to determine. The walls of the present city are not
nearly of so great an extent; and, of the actual space
enclosed within them, a very small portion indeed,
perhaps not exceeding an eighth part, is occupied by
the actual town.
Here again , as at Chin-keang and Chapoo, the Tartar
city is separated from the Chinese part of it, by a wall
and gates running across it ;—so carefully have the
conquerors preserved their broad line of distinction, in
person , habits, mode of life, and privileges, even in the.
ancient capital of the empire.
The great extent of the walls even in the present
day rendered the city ill calculated for defence, inde
pendently even of its being commanded by hills, par
ticularly on its eastern side. The principal of these was
called the Chungshan hill, the base of which com
manded the ramparts, and from the summit of which
there was a magnificent prospect over the whole
surrounding country, including the city itself. It was
principally from this, the eastern side, that the chief
attack was to have been made, had it been necessary to
resort to extremities. There were three gates in that
face of the walls, which run very irregularly, and
438 DEFENCES OF NANKIN .
towards the river are almost inaccessible, owing to the
swampy nature of the ground ; a considerable lake
occupies the space between two of the gates. The
latter are however approached by good causeways,
by which they might easily have been threatened, while
the real attack would have been made higher up, under
cover of the guns planted upon the slope of the Chung
shan hill .
The greater part of the troops were landed at a
village about four or five miles up the creek or short
cut before described , because there were good cause
ways leading directly from that point towards the city.
The Nemesis was able to land at one time not less than
a thousand men , and, in case of absolute necessity, could
have contrived to carry at least a hundred and fifty more.
On the opposite or western side of the city, there
was a large canal running from the river directly up
under the walls, and serving to strengthen the ap
proaches to them on that side. The mouth of this
canal was completely stopped up by very strong rafts,
firmly secured . They were, moreover, constructed in
such a manner, that there were in fact a succession of
rafts, one above the other. On removing the upper tier,
another lower one immediately rose to the surface ;
and, as they were made of stout timbers, well secured
together, they effectually prevented our boats from
getting up the canal. Upon the top of the rafts, little
huts had even been erected, in which a few poor fel
lows were living, but apparently not with any purpose
of defence.
It is matter of little interest now to enter into details
CHINESE DIPLOMACY . 439
of what might have taken place; since the mere demon
stration of our force, and the tenor of our negotiations,
or rather demands, at length proved sufficient to induce
the Chinese to give way, without our being compelled
to put in execution the plans suggested. Several pre
liminary interviews took place, between Major Malcolm ,
accompanied by Mr. Morrison, the accomplished and in
defatigable interpreter, and some of the Chinese officers
deputed by the Commissioners. It was understood that
the general terms of the treaty were the subject of dis
cussion at these meetings ; but the great difficulty
seemed to be to get the Chinese authorities to produce
the actual document under the Emperor's own pencil, by
which they professed to be furnished with full powers
to treat for peace. There was a great deal of shuffling
and evasion1 ; an evident reluctance to go to the extreme
point; and probably a hope on their part that, by dila
toriness and ingenuity, they might bring us to modify
our terms. But Sir Henry Pottinger was firm , de
cided, and energetic. He was there to dictate rather
than to treat, and his perfect knowledge of the oriental
character came well to the aid of his natural discern
ment and vigour of mind.
At daylight on the 14th the attack was ordered to be
made upon the city, all being now in readiness, and the
guns in position. Due warning was finally given to
the Commissioners , that nothing could delay or suspend
the attack, except the production of the actual docu
ment itself, of the contents of which they had hitherto
only given a very partial account. It was not until
past midnight, scarcely more than three hours before
440 AN AWFUL PAUSE.
the artillery would have opened, and the assault have
taken place, that the commissioners at length yielded ,
and sent a letter, addressed to Sir Henry Pottinger,
promising the production of the all -important docu
ment at a meeting to be arranged for the morning, and
entreating that hostilities might at least be delayed un
til that time.
This was a moment of intense excitement to all who
were acquainted with the circumstances. The attack
was of course delayed , but it was doubted by many
whether some new pretext would not still be found to
delay or to break off the negociations, and render the
capture of the city inevitable. However, the proposed
meeting did take place at a temple on shore, in the
southern suburbs of the city, near the canal ; and, at
length, with great form and ceremony, the Emperor's
commission was produced, and carefully examined by
Mr. Morrison, in the presence of Major Malcolm ; and,
at the same time, Sir Henry Pottinger’s patent was
likewise produced, and translated to the deputies who
attended for the purpose on the part of the Imperial
Commissioners.
As yet, no personal interview had taken place between
Sir Henry and the Commissioners. Matters now pro
ceeded satisfactorily. It was evident that the Chinese
were at length prepared to yield any thing we might
demand ; their anxiety to put an end to the blockade of
the river and the canal was not concealed, and it was
said to be freely admitted that the people were in the
greatest distress.
Three days afterwards, viz . , on the 17th, it was an
THE TREATY . 441
nounced by Sir Henry Pottinger to the naval and mili
tary commanders -in -chief, that the negociations had ar
rived at that stage which authorized him to beg that
hostilities might be considered suspended . Some little
delay was necessarily occasioned , by the time required ,
and the difficulty experienced, in translating the length
ened correspondence which took place. The distance,
moreover, of the city from the ships, and the time ne
cessary to receive and transmit the communications and
their replies, tended to prolong the proceedings. Even
in three days, however, the treaty was actually drafted
in English and Chinese (the latter a task of extreme
difficulty, from the precision of terms necessary ), and
the commissioners acceded to the whole tenor and forms
of a document of incalculable importance, not only to
England and the other nations of Europe, but to the
whole future welfare and progress of the Chinese em
pire. The first treaty made between the haughty and
impenetrable empire of China and any other nation of
the earth, upon terms of equal rank and title, was ex
acted by England, and did honour to her discernment,
perseverance , and forbearance, no less than to her
power.
Many days must have elapsed before the terms of the
treaty could be made known at Pekin , and the assent
of the Emperor be received . It might still have been
doubted whether, even in the eleventh hour, the Empe
ror could bring himself to submit to the hard necessity
of accepting terms which he had hitherto believed
himself able rather to dictate to every other nation,
or to accord as a matter of “ especial favour,” to
442 REPORT TO THE EMPEROR .
submissive barbarians, than to receive from them as a
boon .
The High Commissioners, of course, professed to be
confident that all the provisions of the treaty would be
assented to by the Emperor. They were extremely
anxious to persuade Sir Henry Pottinger that the ships
might safely be withdrawn from the river at once, even
before an answer could be received from Pekin . Their
great anxiety to have the blockade raised was by no
means concealed ; but the Plenipotentiary was far too
clever a diplomatist to think of foregoing for a moment
the immense advantage which the position of our forces
already gave him, and the Commissioners were dis
tinctly apprized that every thing would still continue
to be held in readiness for the resumption of hostilities,
in the event of the Emperor's confirmation of the acts
of his Commissioners being withheld.
The report which was sent up to the Emperor by the
two High Commissioners was certainly remarkable for
its clearness and simplicity, compared with the tone
usually adopted in Chinese documents. Indeed, it has
generally been accorded to Keying, that he was the first
high officer who, since the commencement of the war,
had dared to tell the naked truth to his Imperial master.
There is reason to believe that numerous private reports
concerning the state of the province, the disorganization
of the local government, and the feeling of the people
generally, were transmitted by him to Pekin.
In the lengthened memorial which has been publicly
circulated, he by no means conceals the difficulties with
which he is surrounded. He frankly confesses that it
REPORT TO THE EMPEROR . 443
would be much better for China to pay down the stipu
lated sum at once , than to continue spending a still
larger sum in a vain endeavour to protract the war ;
and he particularly alludes to the advantages which
would be obtained if the blockade were immediately
raised . He even has the boldness to express his fears,
that, if peace be not made at once, the rivers “ will be
blocked up, both north and south ” (meaning particularly
the Peiho), which, he adds, “ will be the heaviest cala
mity .” He consoles himself that, as yet, their reputa
tion was not lost ;” and shrewdly remarks, that one
year's expenses of the army alone would equal one-third
of the whole sum to be paid to the English, and that
even then they would only use the name of fighting,
without the hope of victory. With regard to the trade
at the five ports, he considers them too many ; but
then , he adds, “ if we do not concede it, the English
will not restore to us Amoy, Chinhae, and Chusan, and it
would be a difficult matter for us to get them back.”
Throughout the whole of this remarkable Report,
even with respect to equality of terms in official inter
course, and the surrender of all the prisoners, both
English and Chinese, the whole tone of this interesting
document is that of deep humiliation, artfully attempted
to be concealed under the garb of almost voluntary con
cession .
The time which elapsed between the sending up of
the draft of the treaty for submission to the Emperor,
and its return with the Imperial assent, was partially
occupied by visits of ceremony between the High Com
missioners and the British Plenipotentiary. On the
444 VISITS OF CEREMONY .
19th, the former paid their first visit on board the
Cornwallis, having been conveyed thither from the
mouth of the canal, on board the little Medusa steamer.
They were received on board by the Plenipotentiary,
supported by the Admiral and General, and, after
having partaken of refreshments, were conducted round
the ship, every part of which they inspected, but with
out expressing any particular astonishment (whatever
they might have felt ), which in China is considered ill
bred .
I have heard it said by some who were present on
this occasion, that the Commissioners appeared more
struck with the fact of boys, midshipmen, wearing uni
form , and learning the art of war so young, than with
any thing else. I think it was Elepoo who had the cu
riosity to examine the dress of one of the youngsters ;
as much as to say, that he would be much better at
school, imbibing the “ doctrines of pure reason,” than
learning how to fight so young, on board a man -of-war.
The same remark had also been made, on another occa
sion, by Keshen, at Canton, respecting the young Mr.
Grey ; and, I believe, a remark very much like it was
made by the predecessor of the present Emperor to Sir
George Staunton, who was then a boy.
The Commissioners were accompanied by New Kien ,
the Viceroy, and also by the Tartar general .
On the 22nd, the visit was returned by Sir Henry
Pottinger, accompanied by the Commanders -in -chief,
and attended by upwards of a hundred officers, in full
uniform . They were escorted by a guard of honour of
the grenadiers of the 18th Royal Irish . The place of
VISITS OF CEREMONY . 445
meeting was at the temple outside the walls, at which
the previous conferences respecting the production of
the Imperial Commission had been held. It was an im
posing and interesting scene ; the number and variety
of the costumes, contrasted with the uniforms of our
officers, and the novelty of the spectacle altogether,
could not fail to make a deep impression upon all
present.
The manners of the Chinese are remarkably elegant
and dignified, whenever they choose to make them so ;
and yet they seem never to omit an opportunity of try
ing to gain some advantage in point of etiquette. On
this occasion, inquiry was properly made by Sir Henry
Pottinger, as to the reason of the plainness of the
dresses of the mandarins who were in attendance . The
ingenious excuse, that they had travelled in such a hurry
as to have been unable to bring their wardrobe with them ,
was employed to account for the apparent want of cour
tesy, and apologies were tendered for the omission.
On the 26th , a conference was held within the walls
of Nankin itself, between Sir Henry Pottinger and the
Commissioners, and the terms of the treaty were again
read and discussed . Sir Henry was escorted by a guard
mounted upon the Arab horses brought from Madras
for the artillery. Little could have been seen of the
city upon this occasion, as the procession passed directly
up to one of the public halls, and returned by the
same route. The bearing of the people was perfectly
quiet and orderly ; and the mark of confidence on both
sides shown by the visit of the Commissioners on board
the Cornwallis, and of the Plenipotentiary within the
446 SIGNING THE TREATY .
walls of the city, must certainly have tended to in
crease the mutual good understanding which it was now
so desirable to cultivate.
At length , on the 29th of August, three days after the
previous visit, the Emperor's full assent to the provi
sions of the treaty having in the mean time arrived,
the ceremony of the actual signature of this most inte
resting document took place on board the Cornwallis.
Every arrangement was made which could at all en
hance the solemnity of the ceremony ; and even the
venerable Elepoo, though sick and very infirm from age
and ill-health, allowed himself to be carried on board, and
into the after-cabin, rather than delay for a day the signa
ture of the treaty. A considerable time was occupied
in comparing minutely the four copies of the treaty, so
that there might not be the least question hereafter,
that the one was the precise counterpart of the other.
A great number of officers (all those having a rank
equal to that of a field officer) were admitted into the
after-cabin, in order to witness the intensely interest
ing ceremony. Captain Hall was likewise permitted
to be present, as a mark of especial favour, although
not then of the prescribed rank. Just at the eventful
moment, also, Captain Cecille, of the French frigate
Erigone, arrived from Woosung, having made his way
up in a Chinese junk hired for the occasion at Shanghai,
and manned by a picked crew of his own men . He
presented himself uninvited on board the flag -ship, and
almost demanded to be present. It is said that his re
ception was not very cordial .
If, in other wars, as has been sometimes asserted ,
RESULTS OF THE TREATY . 447
England fought all and paid all, certainly in this in
stance, although England did fight all, she fortunately
compelled China to pay nearly all — I say nearly all,
for the twelve millions of dollars exacted from the
Chinese, in repayment of the expenses, besides the six
millions for the opium and the three for the debts, will
not suffice to cover the actual amount. It is, however, a
glorious thing for England that, having once compelled
China to submit, and having imposed her own condi
tions upon her, she could turn honestly round to all other
nations, and declare to them that they were fully at
liberty to take equal advantage of those conditions, so
far as the circumstances of their trade required or per
mitted it. Of necessity, however, England and America
must be the parties most interested , as no other nation
can boast of any considerable trade with China.
It was at first feared by many that the Chinese govern
ment would prove itself insincere in its professions, and
would probably seek an early opportunity of nullify
ing the provisions of the treaty. By others, it has
been thought that even the people themselves would
not only continue their ancient hostility to foreigners,
but might urge and almost force the government itself
into renewed collision with us ; that, in fact, nothing
short of the capture of Pekin itself, at some future
day, would suffice to humble the nation , and compel
them to hold reluctant intercourse with us.
The disturbances which took place at Canton, after
thepeace (to be described in the next chapter) gave
some colour for the moment to these apprehensions;
and the less people at a distance were acquainted with
448 GOOD FAITH OF THE CHINESE .
the origin and nature of those disturbances, and with
the Chinese character generally, the more readily such
apprehensions found credence. In this respect, I firmly
believe that we do the Chinese some injustice ; and I
cannot but think that, if further difficulties should
arise, which might lead to a collision much to be de
plored, they will be occasioned rather by some indis
cretion , some want of forbearance, or some undue and
unwarranted interference with the acknowledged rights
and customs of the Chinese, by foreigners themselres, 1
than by violence on the part of the people, or a wish
to annul the provisions of the treaty on the part of the
government. It is only necessary to read the whole of
the published correspondence of Sir Henry Pottinger’s,
and to look at the scrupulous exactness with which the
Chinese have acted, and, we may add, the readiness with
which they have met Sir Henry's wishes, to be con
vinced that it only requires judgment, forbearance, and
strict propriety on our part, not only to continue, but
even to increase, the good understanding which already
exists.
Nothing could tend more to produce a renewal of
difficulties than the being led away by the expectation ,
(we often ourselves produce that which we expect to
happen,) that a fresh outbreak must take place, and
that the Chinese cannot be sincere in their dealings
with us. The regulations already published by Sir
Henry Pottinger, respecting the future trade, will go
far to prevent any wilful misunderstanding. But, if we
wish to extend our intercourse, and to benefit by in
creased good- will and confidence, we must win it from
HONESTY OF THE CHINESE . 419
the Chinese by cultivating their good feelings, not by
offending their prejudices, and by treating them with
consideration , firmness, and scrupulous honesty .
The Consuls at the five ports will have arduous
and responsible duties to perform , and very much must
depend upon their tact and judgment. The Chinese
are not only a prejudiced but aa timid people ; they re
quire to be led rather by good management and scru
pulous faith, than to be irritated by overbearing manner ,
or forced into dishonesty by the constant suspicion of it .
During the existence of the Company's charter, the mark
of the Company was considered by the Chinese as an
unfailing guarantee of the genuine character and qua
lity of the articles, in accordance with the description
given of them. The mark no longer exists, and the
Chinese merchants have not that implicit faith in the
written description of our goods which they formerly
had. It is impossible to be too scrupulous in maintain
ing our character for strict integrity and fair dealing ;
and it is to be hoped that these will be kept strictly
in view, more especially in the new ports just opened
to us .
As to any disposition on the part of the govern
ment to reassume their ancient bearing towards us, I
cannot believe that there have been hitherto any
grounds whatever for the supposition. It is true, that
the government are taking steps to repair their defences,
and to improve their warlike means, and they have
also given orders for the construction of a better descrip
tion of vessels of war. It is also perfectly well known
that large contributions have been voluntarily offered
VOL . II. G G
450 HONESTY OF THE CHINESE .
by wealthy individuals, and by patriotic districts,
avowedly for the “ defence of the frontiers . ” But no
thing can be inferred from this, except that a little
more energy has been infused into the councils of the
Emperor, and a little of the prejudices of the people
modified .
On the other hand, every single act of the Chinese
government, since the conclusion of the peace, has been
strictly in accordance both with the letter and the
spirit of the treaty ; and we have only to look at the
tariff itself, with all its astonishing changes from the
old corrupt system, and the adoption of the wholesome
regulations respecting the trading at the five ports, (at
each of which a small English vessel of war is to be
stationed) to feel convinced that the Chinese govern
ment is beginning to be fully alive to the advantages
of more extensive and friendly intercourse with us ;
that the people are likewise well inclined towards us ;
and that it rests with ourselves to improve the present
good understanding, by judicious forbearance and con
sideration .
PORCELAIN TOWER . 451
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Nankin - Porcelain tower — Description of - Portrait of the head priest
- Tombsofthe kings — Colossal statues - Figures ofanimals — Antique
remains — Remarks on the history of the Ming dynasty —Disputes
with the Japanese and Mantchous—How the Mantchous, or Tartars,
came to the throne - Institutions of China preserved after the con
quest — Efficient government - Our forces leave Nankin - Dreadful
sickness - Bengal Volunteers — Descent of the river -Forces reassem
ble at Hong Kong - Riots at Canton — Character of the people –
Origin of the outbreak - English ladies in Canton - Patriots - Attack
upon the factories — English flag -staff - Arrival of Sir Hugh Gough
The Nemesis — Chinese troops occupy the factories — Correspondence
between Sir Henry Pottinger and the merchants—Critical position
Visit of the Prefect and the Hong merchants to the Nemesis - Quiet
restored - Departure of our forces.
The two most interesting objects which deserve atten
tion outside the walls of Nankin are, of course, the
famous porcelain tower, or pagoda, and the tombs of
the kings of the ancient Chinese dynasty. Of the
former it would be extremely difficult to give such a
description as would convey to the reader's mind an
accurate idea of its peculiar structure and character.
It stands pre-eminent above all other similar buildings
in China for its completeness and elegance, the quality
of the material of which it is built, or rather with
G G 2
452 THE NANKIN PAGODA .
which it is faced over, namely, variously coloured porce
lain bricks, highly glazed ; and for the quantity of gild
ing, and particularly of gilt images, with which its
interior is embellished.
The building is of an octagonal shape, about two
hundred feet high, divided into nine stories. The cir
cumference of the lower story is one hundred and
twenty feet, so that each face must measure about
fifteen feet; but this measurement decreases as you as
.
cend, although each story is of equal height. Its base
rests upon a solid foundation of brick -work , raised about
ten feet above the ground, and you ascend to the en
trance of the tower by a flight of twelve steps. Its
face is covered with slabs of glazed porcelain of various
colours, principally green, red, yellow, and white ; but
the whole building is not, by any means, constructed
with porcelain. At every story there is a projecting
roof, covered with green -glazed tiles, and from each of
its eight corners is suspended a small bell .
The effect of this building, when viewed from aa mode
rate distance, cannot be otherwise than imposing, from
the novelty and peculiarity of its appearance. You
ascend to the top of it by no less than one hundred and
ninety steps, leading through the different compart
ments,, but they are not all in very good repair. The
interior of each story appears at first view striking,
but is rather gaudy than elegant, being filled with an
immense number of little gilded images, placed in
niches, in each of the compartments, between the
windows.
The view from the summit of this temple amply com
THE NANKIN PAGODA . 453
pensates you for all the trouble of reaching it, and for
any little disappointment that may have been felt at
the appearance of the interior of the building. The pro
perty extends over an area of nearly thirty miles, and a
great part of this is enclosed within the ruins of a dila
pidated wall. The country is beautifully diversified by
hill and dale, and houses and cultivated grounds ; yet, in
some parts, it looks almost deserted . Yet it cannot be
iewed without great interest, not only from the appear
ance of the country, but from the associations con
nected with the locality, and with the tower itself.
This latter is said to have cost an immense sum of
money (seven or eight hundred thousand pounds), and
to have occupied nineteen years in its completion.
A not unnatural desire to possess specimens or relics,
as mementos of the first and probably the last visit to
the ancient capital of the empire, led to a few instances
of defacement and injury to some parts of the building,
and to many of the figures within it . But the com
plaints made upon the subject afterwards by the head
priest of the tower, or of the monastery attached to it,
seem to have been a good deal exaggerated, probably in
the hope of obtaining handsome compensation. It was
notorious that a great part of the specimens which were
carried away were actually sold to visiters by the priests
themselves. A complaint, however, was made upon
the subject to Sir Henry Pottinger, and at his request
measures were adopted to prevent any recurrence of the
violence ; and, indeed, with the laudable object of en
couraging a good understanding with the Chinese, and
of doing what, under the circumstances, appeared to be
454 CHINESE CEMETERY .
an act of justice, a considerable sum of money was paid
over to the chief priest, or abbot, of the monastery, to
be applied to the restoration and decoration of the
building. It much exceeded the actual value of the
damage done.
The portrait of the priest of the porcelain tower, in the
first volume, was taken by LieutenantWhite,of the Royal
Marines, and gives an excellent notion of the peculiar
features and expression of countenance, which dis
tinguish , not merely the Chinamen , but the Budhist
priest.
Another object of very great interest, which engaged
attention at Nankin, was the large and extremely
ancient cemetery, which apparently, without suffi
ciently well -ascertained grounds, came to be called the
Tombs of the Kings, supposed to be of the Ming
dynasty. They were situated on the slope of the hills,
at no great distance from the principal gate of the city,
at the extremity of a fine paved road .
But, perhaps, still more curious is the avenue of
gigantic figures, most of them hewn from aa solid piece
of stone, which leads up towards the tombs. Nothing
else of the kind was seen in China, and they bore all
the appearance of extreme antiquity ; the grass grew
very high among them, and served to conceal the frag
ments of some which had been broken. The engraving,
which forms the frontispiece to this volume, will convey
a better idea of them than any written description. It
is taken from an admirable sketch, drawn on the spot ,
by Captain Watson, R.N. , C.B. The figures bear the
appearance of gigantic warriors, cased in a kind of
AVENUE OF GIANTS . 455
armour, standing on either side of the road, across
which , at intervals, large stone tablets are extended,
supported by large blocks of stone in place of pillars,
such as are frequently seen on the roads leading to
temples in China, and occasionally across the streets,
erected in honour of particular individuals.
In the drawing are represented aa number of colossal
figures of horses, elephants, zebras, and other animals,
rudely executed, and placed without any distinct
arrangement. Properly speaking, they are situated
at a considerable distance from the alley of giants, but
have been introduced to give an effective representation
of the whole. There is something peculiarly Egyptian
in the appearance of them all, and one could rather
imagine that the scene was laid in the vicinity of Thebes
than under the walls of Nankin. It tends , in some
measure, to strengthen the opinion of those who have
endeavoured to trace a connection between China and
Egypt, at a very remote period of their history. It was
impossible to view these gigantic figures under the
walls (and formerly within them ), of the ancient capital
of China, without great astonishment, and a disposition
to hazard speculations of various kinds concerning the
early history of the spot where they are found .
A few words may not be uninteresting in this place
concerning the Ming dynasty, and the ancient capital
of Nankin . The kings of that dynasty sat upon the
throne something more than two hundred and fifty
years, namely, from about the middle of the fourteenth
century until the Tartar conquest, which may be dated
froin about 1644, just two centuries ago. The whole
456 CHINESE HISTORY.
period of the reign of the Mings seems to have been
one of turbulence, bloodshed, and war — at one time
with the Monguls, at another with the Japanese -
not
unfrequently with each other, and sometimes with the
Tartars, who ultimately prevailed .
The mode of carrying on war appears to have differed
little then from what it has been in more modern times ;
large armies collected, and easily dispersed, without
striking a blow ; thundering edicts of extermination ,
without power to carry them into effect ; and great
boastings of victories gained, when, literally, no battle
had been fought. Nankin was more than once besieged ,
and the sea-coast was ravaged, both by foreign and
native marauders and pirates. Then came the strict
prohibitions against holding any intercourse with
foreigners, which, like the edicts against opium, were
put on record ,” but remained, for a great length of
time, a perfect dead letter.
The Japanese appear at one time to have been for
midable enemies ; they made their way up to Nankin,
and other cities, took possession of Chusan, ravaged the
coast of Fokien, and visited nearly all the same places
which were the scenes of our own operations during the
war.. The Chinese readily called to mind the history of
those troublesome times, and were inclined, in the first
instance, to believe that we were nothing more than
lawless plunderers, seeking our own profit, instead of
being servants of a great nation, seeking redress for in
numerable wrongs .
The race of the Mantchous (from which the reigning
dynasty springs) became troublesome towards the end
THE MANTCHOU TARTARS . 457
of the sixteenth century. Their first disputes seem to
have arisen concerning trade. They were permitted to
trade, and to enjoy certain commercial privileges upon
the frontier, but hence arose disputes and quarrellings,
which called for the interference of the public officers ;
and wrongs, supposed to have been suffered, were trea
sured up, in the hope of being able to execute vengeance
at a future opportunity. For a time the Mantchous were
kept in subjection, and those who fell into the hands of
the Chinese were treated with the greatest severity. It
is worthy of remark, however, that, generally speaking,
the Chinese, in all their dealings, seem to have preferred
diplomacy to fighting ; and in the excellent papers in
the Chinese Repository upon this subject, it is observed,
with respect particularly to the Japanese, that “ the
war lasted more than thirty years, the Chinese were
usually worsted , yet their generals boasted of their vic
tories, while their most numerous armies were dispersed
by almost a handful of men. But when the Chinese
inveigled the Japanese into negociations, they gained the
ascendant.” “ The latter were inclined to make lasting
peace , but were always thwarted by the treachery of
the Chinese envoys .
The Japanese, however, were at length persuaded to
retire, and to receive the investiture of the realm from
a Chinese commissioner. Not so, however, the more
formidable Mantchous. The Chinese were unable effec
tually to resist them ; and yet one of the best ministers,
who had the courage to advise peace at all risks, was
publicly beheaded as a traitor.
The Tartar conquest was essentially aided by the in
458 THE MANTCHOU TARTARS .
ternal feuds among the Chinese themselves. Robbers
and rebellious chiefs started up within the empire, and
threatened to attack the capital; and the last of the
Emperors of the Ming dynasty at length hung himself in
his own palace, through fear and despair, when he found
himself unable to control his own rebellious people, or
resist the power of the Mantchou Tartars.
This monarch seems to have been a pattern of irre
solution and cowardice. His death occurred in the
imperial palace at Pekin , not at Nankin ; and it is to
be remarked , that although the Tartar dynasty have
always made Pekin the capital of the empire, and that
Nankin has comparatively fallen to a very low state,
nevertheless Pekin was made the capital, or rather the
northern capital, long before the Tartar conquest ; but
Nankin, at that time, still retained a great portion of
its ancient importance.
Whether the burial-place already described , and so
much distinguished beyond all other cemeteries by its
rude colossal statues, was really the burial-place of the
ancient kings or not, it is impossible now to ascertain .
It gives it, however, a pleasing interest to believe that
it was so, although it certainly was not the cemetery of
all the kings, even of the Ming dynasty.
The Mantchou race came to the throne under remark
able circumstances. They were called in to assist one
of the claimants to the throne, after the death of the
last of the Mings; having gained the victory over all
opponents, the Mantchous refused to return to their
own country, and boldly marched up to the gates of
Pekin, where they were gladly welcomed by the people.
THE MANTCHOU TARTARS . 459
They soon made themselves masters of the city. Their
leader unfortunately died , and the Mantchous then pro
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