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January 2, 1904.]
THE TIBETAN QUESTION.
(Daily Press, 20th December.) It seems very likely that among the questions to be settled in 1904 is that of the future predominance of outside influence in Tibet; or at least, if it is not settled next year, a great step towards settlement is pro- bable. Hitherto, since the days of the eighteenth century, when Tibet was itself # nation fairly able to hold its own with its neighbours, China has been the one domicant influence; and so far did China encourage the natural exclusiveness of the Tibetans that no other nation ever succeeded in get ting a footing. But in the latter half of the nineteenth century Chinese power in Tibet dwindled greatly, though her traditional influence might remain. Of late year's there is no doubt, Russia, through the medium of some of her Buriat subjects, Buddhists of the same school as the Tibetans, has been making attempts to gain the footing previously denied. Perhaps reports in the British Press have rather exaggerated Rus- sia's doings, but that they were not entirely groundless is plain from the admissions in the Russian papers.
The latter have, in
CHINA OVERLAND TRADE REPORT:
promotion and development of trade." more that while other nations had in The Lamas, however, were excited by the matter of territorial acquisition added the British withdrawal and made the re-greatly to their visible prestige i China, strictions on trade greater than ever and the benefits that have accrued to the British even occupied posts in Sikkim, in con- Empire are not yet apparent. "We hope s 'quence of which a military force was des to find, as time goes on," he said, "that our patched against them from India in the commercial interests at least have been safe- spring of 1888. But a pause was soon guarded, and that, if we have retired from made, to await Chinese mediation. This the competition of apheres of influence, we was so long in coming that in September | shall at all events find that the 'open of the same year the Tibetans were attacked door' and 'equal opportunity' have been ́ and driven to Chumbi, a name which we secured for the trade of the British Empire often hear now. A Chinese emissary and the world at large." There was no trace thereupon promised speedy opening of of unlimited confidence in Sir ALFRED'S negotiations. The ultimate result of these speech, which rather conveys the impression was the Tibet-Sikkim convention of 1890, that things may not turn out as well as they by which the British protectorate over promise од paper. It was quite in Sikkim was definitely recognised, while the the nature of things, perhaps, that the question of providing increased facilities for representative of the Government in ad- traile across the frontier was to be hercafter dressing such an audience as the members discussed, as also was that of the method of the China Association should lay em- in which official communications between phasis on the fact that the political policy India and Tibet should be conducted. In of Great Britain in China wis synonymous spite of this treaty, however, no steps what with her commercial policy, and that no ever were taken by the authorities in Tibet political policy, however well devised, and · with regard to increasing trade facilities, and ho vever persistently pursued, can be of any another convention in 1898 proved equally real effect unless it is backed up by the ineffective. Ten years have passed, and In- earnest and patriotic support of the com- their turn, accused Britain of intriguing indian trade is barred out as closely as ever. mercial community. It is certainly very Tibet, but the manner in which up to the It cannot be said that the Indian Govern- satisfactory to find the new Under Secre present year we have allowed China and
ment has not shown patience; others might tary fully alive to the dangers which. Tibet to ignore their promises to provide call it by a harder name. But now it has threaten British interests in China as increased trade facilities across the Sikkim-been decided that Tibet and the vague influ- in other foreign parts from the increasingly Tibetan frontier should be a sufficient
close connection between the spheres of answer. Lord CURZON, howe-er, has this
State action and private enterprise in other year initiated a more worthy policy of
foreign countries; and also to hear from insistance on the fulfilment of engagements,
him a recognition of the fact that England the outcome of which is the expedition now
cannot pursue the opposite policy without on Tibetan soil. Operations have not so
serious risk unless private enterprise in all it far been of a very active or arduous nature.
| branches,-nanufacturers, merchan's, ship- The inhabitants indeed have b:: passive
pers and capitalists,-realise the times, rather than hostile. The Jelep Pass alone
and the interdeperdice of their mutual has been crossed yet, and it is only
interests, and by acting, possibly through intended to advance to Gyangtse,
the Chambers of Co.umerce as an organising some 150 miles from Lbassa
intelligence department, make it im- itself, unless the attitude of the Tibe-
possible for any Government to plead as an tans renders further procedure necessary.
excuse either for indefiniteness of aim or China appears perfectly inert in the matter.
vacillation in policy the multiplicity and As for Russia, rumours are many, including
incoherence of the advice which it has even an absurd tale of Russian engineers
received. fortifying Lhassa, but beyond the bluster of the 8. Petersburg Press little is heard about the opinion in the Tsar's Empire of the British expedition.
eace of China behind must be brought to reason, and that no more excuses and passi. vity shall be allowed to prevent the carrying out of promises, some of them really seven- teen years old. The course is the only dignified one possible. Hitherto the Indian Government has but succeeded in making itself ridiculous in the eyes of the Lamas.
BRITISH ENTERPRISE IN CHINA,
11
(Daily Press, 28th December). At the annual dinner of the China Associa- tion held in London last month, EARL PERCY, the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, availed himself of the pportunity to administer a well-deserved rebuke to those British owners of concessions in China who, having long since acquired their rights, have done nothing to take advantage of them. "It is of very little The first British attempt to open com- use for us to pile up concessions on paper mercial communications between India and his lordship said, "and to point out as Tibet is 130 years old. The idea was that we have so often done with pride to the of WARREN HASTINGS, and he began to comparative share which has been allotted attempt to carry it out in 1774. As was to us in contrast to the share allotted to but natural in those days of slow communi- foreign countries in the railway development cations and in a land even then intensely of China, if British concessionaires alone exclusive, negotiations and efforts went on among the nations of Europe take no steps for years.
HASTINGS left India in 1785, to profit by the advantages which they have and his successors, less far-sighted than he gained." His lordship went even further, was, abandoned the task. Even during the and said he did not think it honourable or unsuccessful war of the Nepalese against consistent for us to press upon China the Tibet and China in 1792, Britain did not urgent necessity of developing her resources as intervene, which she might well have done soon as possible, and at the same time claim with profit. Nearly another century passed for ourselves the priority of right of initia before, in 1884, ngain a quarrel between tive over large areas of her most fertile Nepal and Tibet called attention to the provinces, the exercise of which is to be question. In the interval it is true that indefinitely postponed: We may take it small quantities of goods filtered into Tibet from these few very pointed observations, from India and vice-versa; and a few Indian which have been made before, though in natives, who had been trained by the Indian terms scarcely so einphatic, that Geographical Department, penetrated into Government appreciates the fact that the Tibet disguised as merchants. Even in British syndicates which have concessions 1885 2 proposed British exploring and are doing nothing to develop them, are expedition was totally defeated by the by their inaction injuring in no small degree passive resistance of the Lamias, backed the prestige and interests of Great Britain secretly by Peking; but, on Britain in China. His lordship had evidently pre- consenting to withdraw the mission, China pared this appeal to the concessionaires and signed an agreement at Peking in 1886, the commercial community, for there was whereby she promised, "after careful nothing in the preceding speeches which enquiry into the circumstances, to adopt called for the observations by way of counter to exhort and encourage the accusation. Sir ALFRED DENT, K.C.M.G., people" [of Tibet] "with a view to the as President, had indeed pointed out once
measures
the
|
Whatever the excuse, British policy in China has not always been distin- guished by a definiteness of aim, although the Foreign Office has rever lacked advice from Chambers of Commerce and the China Association. However, such a suggestion, coming as it does from one in the position of the noble Earl, will no doubt be readily accepted and this connection between State action and private enterprise is certain to beneficially affect the interests of trade.
3
HONGKONG SANITARY
BOARD.
A meeting of the Sanitary Board was held on Thursday afternoon in the Board room. bon. Dr. J. M. Atkinson presided, and there were also present Hon. W. Chatham, Director of Public Works; Hon. A. W. Brewin, Registrar-General, Captain F. W. Lyons, Acting Captain Superintendent of Police; Mr. Fung W Chun; Mr. Lan Chu Colonel W. E. Webb, R.A.M.C.; Pak, Mr. E. A. Hewett, Mr. A. Ramjähn, W. W. Pearse, Acting Medical Officer of Health; Dr. B. Barnett, Assistant Medical Officer of Health; and K:. G. A. Wood. cook (Secretary).
EXTERNAL AIR.
Mr. HEWETT put the following questions:- (1.) With regard to the discussion which took place at the meeting of the Sanitary Board on the 17th instant as to thể definition of “ Ex- ternal Air,” will the President be good enough to lay before the Board a memorandum showing the difference which exists between the definition as put forward by the Sub- Committee and adopted by the Sanitary
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