1986-04-01 — Page 18

買二第張五第日三廿月二年寅丙歷

1986

中學會考試題預習專欄

歷史

(廿六)

胡應亮提供資料

Revision

for

Extraine

Cert. Exam. (1986)

(HISTONY (26)

viola Y.Y. Wang

MIUI & DALE PRESS LTD.

From this issue on there will be a number of

aupmories on both East Asian and European history relevant to the exam SO that you could revise. what you have learnt easily. We would start from East Asia first, THE MEIJI MODERNIZATION It was Western

imperialism that led to

the modernization

| wovement in Meiji Japan.

Western imperialism

| mainly took two forme:

economic and military,

the basic goals of the

Meiji modernization were

"rich country and strong

|army" (fukoku kyohel富國

强兵):At first,

feudalism vás ̈abolished,

while the country 'a

political, economic and military, institutions

were centralized. Based

on this solid foundation, the Meiji state developed its various modernization

programs.

1. Economic modernization.

The most important aios were development of strategic.military industries for

national defence and protection of consumer industries against Western economic

imperialism,

Agricultural

obtain

modernization was carried out in more government income Enrinweatment: in' industry, which the government developed 'in the 1870g. After

1880, the goverinent began selling non- military industries to private owners but retained control of

military

ones.

This

WAH KIU YAT PO

gave rise to giant financial combines called the Zaibatsu (MM). By the 1890s, industrialization was

generally successful. But becauso business- industry was under close government control (aupervision after the 1880s), there

was not a powerful

middle-hlnes which was

independent of the

ruling authorities. This made it difficult for Western democracy to take root in the country.

2. Educational

The

modernization aimu were to enable Japan to acquire Western knowledge' and

to strengthen national unity against Western threats. Thus universal, compulsory education was carried out. In the 1870日, when Westernization was enthusiastically promated, education was rather democratic. This aroused conservative

opposition. Toward the late 1880s, however, education grew increasingly illiberal

and conservative. Absolute loyalty to the state was emphasized. This was the root of Modern Japanfa ultram nationalism, Nevertheless, through education, greater national and social unity was achieved. 3. Military madernization

The motive was at Firat to defend the aution. From the 18908 on, however, it was to win offensive wars and acquire imperialist interests overseas. The 1873 Couacription Law gave Japan a national army composed of peasants. After 1878, the army wag centralized; tighter discipline and a

feudal fighting spirit were introduced. The Japanese military enjoyed powers of independence, making effective civil

control difficult.

.

報日僑華

Meanwhile, national defence was indeed strengthened. Political modernization The constitutional movement of Maiji · Japan arose mainly as a struggle for power amang the Meiji leaders, not as the result of popular social demand for political rights, After anti-government armod rebellions had been proved unsuccessful in the 1870s by state suppression, opposition leaders outside the Meiji government chose the peaceful way of struggle, i.e. movement for constitutional rule. The Meiji, stateston tou Wanted to practise constitutional rule a a way to win Western appreciation. Thus as early as 1881, the government announced that a constitution would be promulgated by 1889. During these years, however, the Meiji statesmen cleverly strengthened the Emperor's rule or the one hand and suppressed parties formed by the apposition forces on the other. When the constitution was promulgated, it was illjheral.

The results of the changes introduced during the early Meiji period (1868-1894) were superficial. Only national life and institutions (e.g. political structure) were changed; social life and thoughts (e.g. the family system) remained'

essentially traditional. Lastly, the countryside was almost untouched by Westernization, and was

thus highly conservative.

Yet in attaining the fundamental aims of.. modernization, the Meiji experience was indeed successful; Western imperialism was repelled and the unequal treaties

revised in the course of

time

二期星

THE SINO-JAPANESE WAR, 1894-1895

The traditional view is that Meiji Japan had lang planted a war with Ching in order to conquer Korea, a traditional vasan) state of China. Recent historical findings show that this was not, the cose, Sensitive to national defence, Japan intended to make Korea independent of Chinese domination, Japon wanted to extend influence over Koron. However, 'this alarmed China, whò reacted by 'inoreanin activities in Kores, Further complicating the situution was the internal power struggle within the Kores government, which increased the possibility of Sino-Japanese confrontation. In the ten years before 1894, China tightened its control over Korea. Viewed in this way, China as well as Japan should to some extent be responsible for the outbreak of the Sino- Japanese War in 1894. The victorious Japanese obtained large territorial gains from the subsequent peace settlement (Treaty of Shimonoseki) in 1895. Internationally, this aroused fears and jealousy among some Western powers; who cut up Chinese territories for exclusive control in the Scramble for: Concessiüne (1895-1900). In Japan, the seeds of expansionism abroad were @owed. In China, the.. Ching, dynasty suffered further decline, while both reform and revolution were stimulated.

The reasons for Ching-t a defeat were not

exclusively military in nature. Through. a deeper analysis of factors, such as polítical efficiency

and notional unity, 就是 con conclude that Chine's failure and Japan's success in modernization accounted for the final reault of the war, THE SCHAMBI E POR CONCESSTONS, 1895-1900* Before 1894, the Western

日一月四年六八九一公年五十七國民中 刊遞交藝育教

powers collectively

upheld China's

territorial independence,

However, toward the and

of the 19th century, two

fuCIOPA Upnot tio atle order in East Asia: growing European imperialism, and the- ambition of France and huanja (who challenges Britaiņ's supremacy in the Ching tradu). China'a defent in the Sino- Japanese War (1894-95) only provided the fine push that set in motion the Scramble for Concessions, when the uoverag jralous' and fearful of one another's imperialist gaine, nearly partitioned China, Yet China was not partitioned. Just as it was great-power rivalry that led to the Scramble for Concessions, the same factor prevented the powera frum agrecing on China's partition. In Pant, the Ch'ing- government cleverly exploited such inter- national rivalry, so, that somn kind of a balance between the powers was maintained amidst the intense scramble for territorial control. Actually, however, the powers did not colonize Chine, because they had in facto intention of doing so. This explained why they accepted the. Open-Door policy of the US by 1901.

THE RUSSC-JAPANESE WAR, 1904-1905

The Russo-Japanese War. was Nasically a conflict of imperialist expansion between the two countries. The hones of contention. were Korea and Manchuria,', Control of these i; territories was won by Japan from Ching in 1895. Yet the Russians actively penetrated the two.

regions after that year. Any peaceful division of interesta proved impossible, for both powers wanted to gain the upper hand. Japan was backed by Britain and the US, while, Russia waÁ' backed by Germany, I黯 this situation, war neened, unavoidable. It

broke out in 1904.

+

Japan' Huecaas in the WADEHI not in over-

emphasized. Since the war was localiand, Auecons and defect were limited too, Nevertheless, after Russia acceptad defent, the international order in East Asia

Sino-Japanese and RusSO- Japanese conflicts in Northeast Asia bad boen settled by armed: H克产组织织lwn, JAPAN'S imperialist position van recognized by the Western powers. Along the Pacific coast, no power dared to commit further aggression against China, because the Anglo-Japanora Allionne safeguarded the Open-Door conditions. All this explained why the International aitantion in Buat Asia remained reacefal until 1914。 HUNDRED DAY REFORM China's defeat in the Sinn-Japanese War, (1894– 95) and the subaequent Scramble for Concessions (1895-1900) convinced many young and progressive Chinese合 scholars of the need to make the institutional changes. The power struggle within the Manchu court between the Emperor and the. Empress Dowager provided these young scholars with a chance to come to power in the Ching government and carry out the reform. However, the reform measures, which were rainly political and educational in nature, aroused conservative reaction and threatened the self-interest of many people. Most of the reforma were therefore not put into practice. Inexperienced and lacking strong political power, the young reformers and the Emperor were soon purged by the EmpresA Downger, Whos returned to pover again, Consequently, the Manchu court became more reactionary, a factor that partly brought about the Boxer Uprising in 1900-01. THE BOXES UPRISING - The Boxer Movemeit originated in a

background of serious

social-economic problems and suffering. It was

also caused by the presence of foreign imperialism. This

explained why the Boxers were at first both anti- dynastic and anti-foreign in attitude. From 1899 mu, however, the Ch'ing government ancouraged and then supported tha Boxers, who Socamo exclusively anti-foreign. Thus the Boxers attacked foreigners in the Peking areas, and Peking declared war on the powers in 1900-01. The Boxer Protocol in 1901 that concluded the uprising further subjected China to foreign imperialism politically, ecouppically

and litarily. Culturally, Chijin's pride and self-respect were badly hurt. On the international level, |however; Chinnta

determination to resist. foreign aggression helped stop the Scramble for |Conceaaiona (1895-1960).

LATE CH'ING REFORM After the failure to resist foreigners, it wes felt, especially by the Empress Dowager, that China should imitate them through reform. Many of the reforma undertaken by the Ch1ing government after 1901 were similar in content to those proclaimed in 1898. Education was updated and students were sent: abroad to study Western knowledge. Politically, constitutional rule, and local golf-rule were 'experimented with. Militarily, regional armies vere trained and developed. The Ch'ing court expected thint these: reforms would strengthen their rule, Instead, they led to developments that helped overthrow the dynasty in the end. Educational reform, for example, gave rise to e class of student intellectuals dissatisfied with the corrupt Manchu rule, These intellectuals supported revolutionary activities. Local

莉

文

搖廟」。】

·含愛著紅待盡。越野色,補發未散。故人天末,落葉門、鏡 那時靑眼。鼓春城,玉米芳音斷。不堪座帳對西風,况更浛遊

」。「馮照序」今讓其詞,猶懋見其挾藝江湖,擘椁跌宕時也。 *匪獨工於詞,且能書善畫「泰法董香光[其)畫法黃左田(號)

·萍花錡固街派中之劍氣者,奉謝曾為江蘇丹徒縣知縣,薄生涯 催寒食。忍更賦 送春行色。又好,别枕捕,事囘懂」。

· 斯蘇戶餘蘗,都是陳述。卡戴江湖,塑狠衣染,銳絲愁。火 裹,浩耿浩得。算幾番,竹題香,芬證素能。脈脈。 游垂 *幽思無極。舊柳城陰,轉河橋一片,野(吹笛。盡柯榮棋翻。有醉 曲游春〔春日感 西湖故房)詞云:「違水花亂、单曲房宮護

:開唱夢阱。梅黑客、翠叔自:。石橋南北、柳誰,

鹕机又共烟遠。夕陽故影照孤飾,一片悲痛亂。花鐵 「燭影搖紅【袁江重别心踏友)云:『楼外沉,

錦田難安,明月假,紫鷺。相思千四橋。

陶齋詞(下)

湘水冷、越山重。爲機雙杼空。采香游,别意,道遠

見說 嬌廠接,一寸酸心放石橋].': 扶卷婚,花袅攝紅妒頷爐,帶减,醫遙。小櫻閒趁可憐脊。西洲

彩擔心事無人識,惆悵西杌日暮雲」。 又云:「池柳初裁細葉新。夕陽紅隱世蘭春。畫長人倦储锍疣、 一鐵英蓉菇木勻。珠、寶盈。濃獄斗帳怕經分。:

更瘌子詞云:「陰沈、漏促。秋上逛展銀燭。

論如呜越天云:「靜掂欸硫桂鞣鵞。紫仙夢隔瓊簫。柳嬌恨镣

[陶樂、名作、字在鏓,又字漢碧,浙江奥興人,有「瀟碧詞」

中;幽幽抉微、厥功最偉,龍、二君,與有力焉。 心葉遐唵主福「清洞鈔」,亦以陶詞,實於第二十三卷一一六九百

·登於「誰學季刊」第二卷,第四號一二八頁,是爲流佈之始。復次, _古俊先生捐館後,檢先生會受命整理遺書,乃玉將陶糠酮及馮序

陳煥山水扇面

吳人、明代名家。 陳煥、字君峰、

茹香

家峰

文字學淺說

結繩和書契

」的時代。太古之世,人類和其他動物一樣,只能發聲、未能利用所發之

「該有兩個在久遠的時代、最初爲「有聲無盡」的時代,次之爲「有君無文 ,人類社會、始制文字、至今僅數千年。未有文字以前、推想起來·魔

,不能算是文字, 蠅而治」的傳說,作一有力的旁哎。但他們所用的、終是實物,不是畫 ,都是以結繩的方法,來帮助配槍。那正可爲我國上古文字未造時,「結

(1)蘊齋 不穀等。又持代表十,雙菇代表二十,正結爲百,二重結得二百,餘類推

。」由此看來,可知世界上未有文字的民族,雖遠隔重洋, 也不約而同地

【事項。如紅色代表軍事及兵年、黃色代表黃金、白色代表和國,綠色代

書契也不是文字

鏧、組織語言,以表遠其情意,那是「有聲無礬」的時代。其後漸喬進化「看到一舂]字和「契」字,它很容易餓覺到杏籍的漪,和一般契約的哭了 ,上面說過,上古結細而治之後,繼續演進的,就是「杏」。科

、知道利用口中所發種種不同之聲、組織表達情意的語言,於是,人與人」,以篇那時悷便是文字開始了。其實杏翔的杏,古代是稱「僭」的。世字

【明文字、只是「有言無文一的時代而已。

「僻,但也做合理。

「網「結繩」的方法。 的人們、便想出種種方法,來帶動記憶。所以,在文字未發明以前,有所

· 語言雕可遠橋態、可是空間所限制、相碗精诚、便無由傳達。上 授,因語言爲時間所限制,不能留於異時,就感到十分不便了。於是聰明著刀姬刻畫之意。所以,說文解字序云:「著於竹帛之書。」 空間所限制,不能致遠,向不會感到十分不便,而事物的記性、知融的傳,也不是宇,而是表示所堇的图钬,和甲骨文的「匕」意義相同,是用手拿 古交通工具未發明、老子所謂「病犬相聞、民至老死不相往來」。語言爲主,是表示所畫的圖執。小篆從車、從日,也是求手持市,下面的「風」, 之間,可以對話。知織因此得以交換,感情因此更玲親切,但那時尙未發 大篆和小婿,都是爾五條直錢,再寫一條彎形権綫速度着,象竹簡用文案 |上,或用刀筆刻在金屬和石塊上的。至於「書」宇的本旨,是指剡查物品 的一種工具。甲骨文從手、從中、從名,是象手特巾形、巾、象工具、七 穿矯起來。因爲古代未有紙張和毛筆,寫字時,或用淡筮寫在竹片和布韦

「民結繩而用之。」他指出容成氏至神農氏,爲結繩時代,她年數多少,並 |納,用以記者,則爲指事類。使役入夫,防護田園,用以示意者,則爲一 | 繩子,於各小繩上,因事之種類,而各異其結。且以各種顏色,代表各種以前,無從確考。只是「杏契」並非抱文字,郑志顯明了。 ∫林勝邦也說:「琉球所用之結椰、分指事會意兩種。凡物品交換·租稅賦,若符節然。」 定,以及死者之墓志、莫不賴之。其法:以一主題,繫有一定距離之各色那一時代,「岳之以勞契」-又行於那一時代。前以上古之事,都在有史 人民之統計、土地之界域,各種族及兵本之標號,命令之宣佈,刑法之间爲「[萧之於太 」,便是有文字開始,這是誤解的。至於「結繩」,行於 善國也說:「秘魯土人,會有一種最完善之記事方法、名爲「桔子」。凡說:「杏契、杏之於木,刻其側爲契,各持其一,後以相考合。」後人以 會意類。其材料多用藤蔓、草莖、或樹葉等。今其民尙有用此法者。」蔣品。上古之世,以結繩助記憶,後來更想出那刀刻木的方法。主聯料撈序

栗陸氏,塲畜氏、軒轅氏、赫胥氏、倉盧氏、伏藏氏、神農氏、當時也, 刻畫的條紋,好像鋸齒,故又稱「契曲」。 近代學者殿-如煜說:「苗民不知文學、性善記,懼有忘、則結於觀。 佰。或一刻,或歎刻,以多寡遠近不同,分爲二,各執其一,如約時合之 稞。事小、小結其繩。」這雖沒有具顯地把結總的方法說明,近於推測之以記數,其刻處如兹,故謂之涵。」而倚鐘傳也說:「「木刻爲曲,與人 未說明,但也可推想其長久。周易正義疏繫辭引鄭玄說:「事大、大結其石,相與合齒。」俞樾猜子平義云:「曲者、契之齒也。古者刻竹木 「結繩」了。莊子炎铵篇說:「昔者容成氏、大庭氏、伯皇氏、中央氏、是象在木上所刻畫的條紋。當時一切交易、治事,都將它作為憑證。契旁 |交易,謂之打木樁。」茵族紀睡也說:「俗無交契,凡稱發交易,如木爲 【道!得人遺獎者,餓而藏之,密敕其曲日,好富可待矣。」貼林云:「符 綜上以親,可知「$」,是指刻畫的工具。「契」,是指那竹木的物

按和名云:「契、瓶、刻讓其數也。」列子說符箫云:「宋人有遊於

|也說!「造谌契以代結繩之政。」可知上古在未穿創造文字時,已有所謂,是錯誤了。按「丰」,晉豐,章散亂象。而契字的「率」旁,並不是字,

̈品繋辭說:「上古桔粮而诒、後世聖人易之以密契。」史阳三泉本记,刻畫在木上的一種東西,這是對的。但說文將炤字列入「豐」,就戳 云:「契、刘也、大約也、從手、從刀、從木。」拍所謂「契」,是用刀 至於「契」字,儼文下面不是從「大」,而是從「木」的。說文解字

花朝最是賞花時 參

屬於花的,我屬於月的,所以,二十四番花信風 ,百花的生日,人們又怎會知道呢。從來好像春裙 携耱攝機,爲花寫照。 ,附會其說而來。其實百花忽一定在那天生日的節目,已舉行十八年於茲了。不少澗開女, B躅,謝恩末了按花開·蓋宮禁中亦鮮耳。」蘇 [軾也寫有一首南濁堂杜鹃花特,句云:「幽漪杜

事說道:「二月十二日,爲百花生日,故稱花朝

詩話云:「東京以二月十二日爲花哨。」赧朝樂 「云:「洛陽風俗、以二月二日爲花帜。」誠齋 才是花朝呢。 之中,故以二月半爲花朝,八月坐爲月夕,是日。」新界粉嶺,旬前已舉行過花能一次, 於這一段疑幻疑渡的傳說,於是,宋人洪逊容 ,宋時有撲蝶之麼。」而月令粹編,更像簿有介, 續又有香港大會堂的花卉展覽,而督憲府的花園 隨譲也道:「杜鶥,又名紅圍隔,鶴林寺之花, 事云:「花朝月夕,世俗恆言。二八兩月爲春秋.稱:「長安三月十五日,兩街看牡丹,3,上車馬 開之。明日,蕊漸坼,至九日,燦爛如煮。」由 ,更於前數日,跗叫夏曆二月十五日花朝節的前 至以爲上玄命玉女下司,終歸閬苑。不特土俗 南方氣候溫暖,春花早放,不愧閂出新書 此花,在人間已百年,不久歸苑矣,今與道者 林寺宿霜<-夜·女子來、曰:妾爲上完所,可 謂道卡般七七曰:世朋君能開非時花,今重九將 鶴林寺杜鵑,商丈餘,每春末、開花燦爛。見 一女子,紅安遊樹下+蓋花帥也。周寶嫔浙西, 故事,還有一段很著名的神話,據 是杜鵑烏啼血的時候,所以得名。關於杜陽花的 心,據神仙傳載:「

都是春天的了。峇光明媚,百花齊放,尤其是夏,一來聲催得一枝開ņ」相傳花開的時候,2 ,除了小痰、大寒、佔了六番花信而外,其餘由,亦稱山石榴、亦稱山鄉燭、白居易詩,所謂「 不苑西湖。」可知杜鹃花在前入心目中, 按杜鹃花,以紅色紫色為多,問亦有白色的 臨天下無,故香緻上紅衚蓋。鵡林兵火好一些,

立春的迎春花,以至榖雨的梨花,十八種花信, 石櫓名山繩圈、杜彄啼時花接换。九江三月杜鹃是层楼稀奇珍世,大抵进植花卉,適宜南少說

。」由此以觀,所謂花朝習俗,大抵是文人好事 一日·整火開效,任市民前去賞花,那與民同樂見,雖神仙亦不識也。王宮詞云:「紅

花朝,考舊籍的記載,是紛紛其說的。翰墨一曆二月,正是三卷剛半之時,又何必指定那一天 近,能此日乎。七七曰:可,乃朋二日,往

,所以廣東各地,隨處都可以欣賞到

柯九思墨竹立軸

竹可

柯九思、字敬仲、仙居人。元代初年、與雲集、趙孟爲友工詩、

善畫竹、仕至奎章顧學士。