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environment and little can be borrowed or imitated from others' experience. Generally speaking, democratic politics require a sophisticated civil education such that citizens acquaint with their civil right and duty. Besides, an effective constitution of parties politics is needed in order to act as an internal mechanism to balance different views and powers from all over the community. In Hong Kong, we do not equip with such conditions at present. We are just in our beginning stage. In 1985, Hong Kong's political structure went through a major change with indirect elections and elections via Functional Constituencies being introduced to the Legislative Council. To introduce direct election in 1988 would be immature and not eligible since the present systems for elections have just been in place for less than two years. It will require a longer time to assess the effect of such changes. Moreover, if direct election is carelessly implemented, it might lead to confrontational politics, or being manipulated by small and highly-motivated groups especially if the turnout of voters were low. Such development could certainly undermine Hong Kong's internal stability as well as overseas confidence in the territory's future and endanger its economic prosperity. This is not the scene we would like to see.
There are suggestions that direct elections must be introduced in 1988, even on a very small scale like five to six seats, if a stable system of representative government is to continue to develop, and if the momentum of such continued development is to be preserved. I consider this as impractical since the size of the constituencies in this case will be too great. In addition, if a reasonable number of seats are opened up, a number of technical problems will arise and must be resolved before such election can be implemented. These problems include the definition of the boundaries of constituencies and the voting method to be adopted. There will also be the question of double representation, that is, the overlapping of candidates in the direct elections and electoral college elections. These questions may have been resolved with the promulgation of Basic Law.
I would like to have my concluding note today by reiterating that democracy is an ideal state to many societies. But it takes a long way to go to. Hong Kong is just beginning. We have to manipulate it carefully and do not let it ruin our economic prosperity, especially when Hong Kong is stepping into its transition period. No one could guarantee the favourable outcome of a drastic political reform and Hong Kong is so vulnerable that it is unable to pay for the high cost of political chaos. I believe, therefore, even if the future Basic Law holds a positive view on direct election, 25% of legislators coming from such elections should be a reasonable proportion which is well enough to protect our social stability and, also, public interests before 1997. No major changes in Hong Kong's legislature should take place at present. If there are any changes in 1988, it should involve nothing but the fine-tuning of the present system. Perhaps the most urgent need of Hong Kong, in its early stage of developing into democracy, is to try to put as much effort as possible into the promotion of civil consciousness. It is inappropriate to emphasize too much on the issue of direct election since this only represents one of the methods through which Hong Kong's future legislators could be elected. The relation between direct elections and other election methods, including functional constituencies and electoral college, should receive our thorough examination as well.
Mr. Chairman, I support the motion.
MISS VICTORIA CHAN YING (in English): Mr. Chairman, Hong Kong has thrived under the present system of administration. If changes are to be made, we must be certain that the proposed reform is an improvement. There should be no doubt that it will lead to better administration, the strengthening of freedom, stability, and economic growth. Any reform should be gradual and with moderation. An untimely political move may lead to economic downturn. The people of Hong Kong have sounded their message loud and clear that their paramount concern is that stability and prosperity will continue to prevail in Hong Kong into and after 1997. In order not to upset the equilibrium of the existing circumstances which allow Hong Kong to flourish, caution must be applied when considering changes in the system of the Government.
In my view, if there be direct election, it should be introduced gradually and prudently:
(1) to allow time for the Government to make preparations for direct polls - if direct elections are to be in 1988, the time schedule may be too tight for completing the necessary ground work. It would be unfortunate if the shortage of time results in a 'half-baked' operation; (2) to allow time for the public to be properly educated in politics - the majority of the people of Hong Kong have never been politically inclined. Many still do not know the difference of functions between Exco, Legco, the Municipal councils, and the District Boards. Political enthusiasm was not apparent until after Mrs. THATCHER's trip to Beijing in 1982 and only after this time did the public here become 'tuned in' to local politics. (3) to allow time for foreign investors to adjust to the proposed political reforms - foreign investment plays a major role in the prosperity of Hong Kong. Immediate implementation of direct election may have the effect of undermining the confidence of foreign investors and hindering our economic progress. Investors are understandably wary of abrupt political changes. A better investment climate should prevail upon a gradual change.
It would make little difference to the power or the efficiency of the Legislative Council whether or not the Governor remains as President thereof. The Governor has to assent to any legislation that is passed by the Council before it becomes law. To have him preside over the Council sessions will enable him to be in contact with and to better understand the diverse views of the members of the Council.
The age of majority in Hong Kong is still 21, although in many countries it has been reduced to 18. Maybe this has some bearing on the maturity progress
Page 73 of 185
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Page 73 of 185
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environment and little can be borrowed or imitated from others' experience. Generally speaking, democratic politics require a sophisticate civil education such that citizens acquaint with their civil right and duty. Besides, an effective constitution of parties politics is needed in order to act as an internal mechanism to balance different views and powers from all over the community. In Hong Kong, we do not equip with such conditions at present. We are just in our beginning stage. In 1985, Hong Kong's political structure went through a major change with indirect elections and elections via Functional Constituencies being introduced to the Legislative Council. To introduce direct election in 1988 would be immature and not eligible since the present systems for elections have just been in place for less than two years. It will require a longer time to assess the effect of such changes. Moreover, if direct election is carelessly implemented, it might lead to confrontational politics, or being manipulated by small and highly-motivated groups especially if the turnout of voters were low. Such development could certainly undermine Hong Kong's internal stability as well as overseas confidence in the territory's future and endanger its economic prosperity. This is not the scene we would like to see.
There are suggestions that direct elections must be introduced in 1988, even on a very small scale like five to six seats, if a stable system of representative government is to continue to develop, and if the momentum of such continued development is to be preserved. I consider this as impractical since the size of the constituencies in this case will be too great. In addition, if a reasonable number of seat are opened up, a number of technical problems will arise and must be resolved before such eleciton can be implemented. These problems include the definition of the boundaries of constituencies and the voting method to be adopted. There will also be the question of double representation, that is, the overlapping of candidates in the direct elections and electoral college elections. These questions may have resolved with the promulgation of Basic Law.
I would like to have my concluding note today by reiterating that democracy is an ideal state to many society. But is takes a long way to go to. Hong Kong is just to begin. We have to manipulate it carefully and do not let it ruins our economic prosperity, especially when Hong Kong is stepping into its transition period. No one could guarantee the favourable outcome of a drastic political reform and Hong Kong is such vulnerable that unable to pay for the high cost of political chaos. I believe, therefore, even the future Basic Law holds a positive view on direct election, a 25% of legislators coming from such elections should be a reasonable proportion which well enough to protect our social stability and, also, public interests before 1997. No major changes in Hong Kong's legislature should be taken place at present. If there are any changes in 1988, it should involve nothing but the fine-tuning of the present system. Perhaps the most urgent need of Hong Kong, in its early stage of developing into democracy, is try to put as much effort as possible into the promotion of civil consciousness. It is inappropriate to emphasis too much on the issue of direct election since this only represents one of the methods through which Hong
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
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Kong's future legislators could be elected. The relation between direct elections and other election methods, including functional constituencies and electoral college, should received our thorough examination as well.
Mr. Chairman, I support the motion.
MISS VICTORIA CHAN YING (in English):-Mr. Chairman, Hong Kong has thrived under the present system of administration. If changes are to be made, we must be certain that the proposed reform is an improvement. There should be no doubt that it will lead to better administration, the strengthening of freedom, stability and economic growth. Any reform should be gradual and with moderation. An untimely political move may lead to economic downturn. The people of Hong Kong have sounded their message loud and clear that their paramount concern is that stability and prosperity will continue to prevail in Hong Kong into and after 1997. In order not to upset the equilibrium of the existing circumstances which allow Hong Kong to flourish, caution must be applied when considering changes in the system of the Government.
In my view if there be direct election, it should be introduced gradually and prudently:
(1) to allow time for the Government to make preparations for direct polls-if direct elections are to be in 1988, the time schedule may be too tight for completing the necessary ground work. It would be unfortunate if the shortage of time will result in a 'half-baked' operation; (2) to allow time for the public to be properly educated in politics-the majority of the people of Hong Kong have never been politically inclined. Many still do not know the difference of functions between Exco, Legco, the Municipal councils and the District Boards. Political enthusiasm was not apparent until after Mrs. THATCHER's trip to Beijing in 1982 and only after this time did the public here became 'tuned in' to local politics. (3) to allow time for foreign investors to adjust to the proposed political reforms-foreign investment plays a major role in the prosperity of Hong Kong. Immediate implementation of direct election may have the effect of undermining the confidence of foreign investors and hindering our economic progress. Investors are understandably wary of abrupt political changes. A better investment climate should prevail upon a gradual change.
It would make little difference to the power or the efficiency of the Legislative Council whether or not the Governor remains as President thereof. The Governor has to assent to any legislation that is passed by the Council before it becomes law. To have him preside over the Council sessions will enable him to be in contact with and to better understand the diverse views of the members of the Council.
The age of majority in Hong Kong is still 21, although in many countries it has been reduced to 18. May be this has some bearing on the maturity progress
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