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the government can be monitored effectively in such a way that it will be made directly accountable to the people of Hong Kong. Moreover, direct election enables more people with talents or potential to participate in the development of society, so that its resources can be used in a more effective way.
It is an ideal time to introduce direct election in 1988. Since it is 10 years away from 1997, there is still time for 2 or 3 reviews to be conducted. If we do not try it out, how can we know the merits and demerits of direct election and hence make improvements? It is only through practice and preparation made within sufficient time that instability caused by hasty political changes after 1997 can be avoided.
As to the question of convergence with the Basic Law, I do not see any difficulties. The Central Government has, time and again, emphasized that the Basic Law is formulated according to the wishes of the Hong Kong people. So if the people of Hong Kong support the introduction of direct election, it should be included in the Basic Law under the Central Government's principle of conforming with the wishes of the Hong Kong people. Therefore, the introduction of direct election in 1988 will not give rise to any convergence problems.
No less than 25% of the seats should be returned by direct election. Since this will be the very first attempt to introduce direct election in the Legislative Council, the number should not be too many and one quarter is a comparatively ideal proportion. Reviews and improvements can be made later in a step-by-step procedure.
On the other hand, the Governor should also cease to act as the President of the Legislative Council as from 1988. He should be replaced by someone elected from among the Councillors. In this way, I believe, the principles of separating the executive and legislative powers can be better fulfilled while the Governor's heavy workload can be lightened.
In conclusion, I consider that:
1.
2. As an initial trial, some of the seats should be returned by direct election in 1988 with reviews to be conducted every 3 or 4 years thereafter.
I am for the ending of the Governor's presidency over the Legislative Council, but he should be replaced by someone elected from among the Councillors.
MR. RONNIE M. C. WONG (in English):—Mr. Chairman, at the last debate, I've expressed my views on the existing three-tier structure. Today I am going to speak on the hot topic of direct election. As Section 1 of Annex 1 to the Joint Declaration provides that 'the legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be constituted by election', I myself do favour the ideology of direct election. Nevertheless, I do not agree with the suggestion to introduce direct election in 1988. We have to do the right thing and, of equally important, to do the thing right. Direct election by itself is a good election practice as it provides opportunities of direct participation in central administration to the public.
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At the same time, public views and interests will be better ensured with the hope that it will produce legislators who are able to speak directly for the people of Hong Kong and a truly representative and accountable government. However, it will be premature to introduce direct election elements into the Hong Kong legislature before the Basic Law is delineated in 1990, or before Hong Kong is ready for such changes.
Some may think that it will be too conservative to restrain our development pace of constitutional reform to the external forces. Yet it is a matter of fact that Hong Kong will be reverted to the sovereignty of China and governed by the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The Basic Law, which is to be passed by the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China and is now being in the process of drafting, may also specify the method(s) of election which will be used after 1997. Any pre-1997 constitutional changes to Hong Kong's political system should therefore regard the convergence with the Basic Law as vital. Consequently, it is unwise to implement any fundamental changes before the Basic Law is finalized as such changes should only proceed within the framework of the coming Basic Law. Any political changes made in 1988 will preempt, and probably impinge, the outcome of the Basic Law and will possibly prove to be a stumbling block for a smooth transition to the SAR structure in 1997 and create unnecessary confusion and instability.
Perhaps arguments may arise as both the Drafting Committee of the Basic Law and the Survey Office of the Green Paper seek to collect public opinions and views on the same issue; they automatically will receive harmonic and converged responses. Upon this kind of assertion, I want to highlight one thing: the drafting of the Basic Law requires a generic and comprehensive perspective on different aspects of society, including economic, educational, cultural, etc., and political structure is only one of them to be considered. In addition, the drafting of the Basic Law places more concern on the prosperity of fifty years, or even a longer period, after 1997 instead of just describing the possible changes of Hong Kong's political system for the next twelve months as included in the Green Paper. Accordingly, it is highly probable that different conclusions will be drawn. I do believe no one, in Hong Kong, would be willing to risk such kind of uncertainty. The transition to 1997 and beyond should be a smooth one and any changes to Hong Kong's political system before that year should be made step by step and need to converge with the future Basic Law.
I mentioned above that I support the principle of direct election as it can safeguard the interest of the majority and I would like to have some elaboration on this. Direct election with one-man-one-vote is the final stage in western democratic development. Before that stage, democracy must pass through long years of trimming and modification. Some pioneers in democracy even experience hundreds of years to reach that stage of maturity. But the worse is: democratic development is unique to each country's social and demographic
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the government can be monitored effectively in such a way that is will be made directly accountable to the people of Hong Kong. Moreover, direct election enables more people with talents or potential to participate in the development of society, so that its resources can be used in a more effective way.
It is an ideal time to introduce direct election in 1988. Since it is 10 years away from 1997, there is still time for 2 or 3 reviews to be conducted. If we do not try it out, how can we know the merits and demerits of direct election and hence make improvements? It is only through practice and preparation made within sufficient time can instability caused by hasty political changes after 1997 be avoided.
As to the question of convergence with the Basic Law, I do not see any difficulties. The Central Government has, time and again, emphasized that the Basic Law is formulated according to the wishes of the Hong Kong people. So if the people of Hong Kong support the introduction of direct election, it should be included in the Basic Law under the Central Government's principle of conforming with the wishes of the Hong Kong people. Therefore, the intro- duction of direct election in 1988 will not give rise to any convergence problems.
No less than 25% of the seats should be returned by direct election. Since this will be the very first attempt to introduce direct election in the Legislative Council, the number should not be too many and one quarter is a comparatively ideal proportion. Reviews and improvements can be made later in a step-by- step procedure.
On the other hand, the Governor should also cease to act as the President of the Legislative Council as from 1988. He should be replaced by someone elected from among the Councillors. In this way, I believe, the principles of separating the executive and legislative powers can be better fulfilled while the Governor's heavy workload can be lightened.
In conclusion, I consider that:
1.
2.
As an initial trial, of the seats should be returned by direct election in 1988 with reviews to be conducted every 3 or 4 years thereafter.
I am for the ending of the Governor's presidency over the Legislative Council, but he should be replaced by someone elected from among the Councillors.
MR. RONNIE M. C. WONG (in English):—Mr. Chairman, at the last debate, I've expressed my views on the existing three-tier structure. Today I am going to speak on the hot topic of direct election. As the Section 1 of Annex 1 to the Joint Declaration provides that 'the legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administration Region shall be constituted by election', I myself do favour the ideology of direct election. Nevertheless, I do not agree with the suggestion to introduce direct election in 1988. We have to do the right thing and, of equally important, to do the thing right. Direct election by itself is a good
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election practice as it provide opportunities of direct participation in central administration to the public. At the same time, public views and interests will be better ensured with the hope that it will produce legislators who are able to speak directly for the people of Hong Kong and a truly representative and accountable government. However, it will be premature to introduce direct electing elements into the Hong Kong legislature before the Basic Law is delineated in 1990, or before Hong Kong is ready for such changes.
Some may think that it will be too conservative to restrain our development pace of constitutional reform to the external forces. Yet it is a matter of fact that Hong Kong will be reverted to the sovereignty of China and governed by the Basic Law of Hong Kong Special Administration Region. The Basic Law, which is to be passed by the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China and is now being in the process of drafting, may also specify the method(s) of election which will be used after 1997. Any pre-1997 constitutional changes to the Hong Kong's political system should therefore regard the convergence with the Basic Law as vitals. Consequently it is unwise to implement any fundamental changes before the Basic Law is finalized as such changes should only proceed within the framework of the coming Basic Law. Any political changes made in 1988 will preempt, and probably impinge, the outcome of the Basic Law and will possibly prove to be a stumbling block for a smooth transition to the SAR structure in 1997 and create unnecessary confusion and instability.
Perhaps arguments may arise as both the Drafting Committee of Basic Law and the Survey Office of Green Paper seek to collect public opinions and views on the same issue, they automatically will receive harmonic and converged responses. Upon this kind of assertion, I want to highlight one thing: the drafting of Basic Law required a generic and comprehensive perspective on different aspects of society, including economic, educational, cultural, etc. and political structure is only one of them to be considered. In addition, the drafting of Basic Law places more concern on the prosperity of fifty-year, or even longer period, after 1997 instead of just describing the possible changes of Hong Kong's political system for the next twelve months as included in the Green Paper. Accordingly it is highly probable that different conclusions will be drawn. I do believe no one, in Hong Kong, would be willing to risk such kind of uncertainty. The transition to 1997 and beyond should be a smooth one and any changes to Hong Kong's political system before that year should be made step by step and needs to converge with the future Basic Law.
I mentioned above I support the principle of direct election as it can safeguard the interest of the majority and I would like to have some elaboration on this. Direct election with one-man-one-vote is the final stage in western democratic development. Before that stage, democracy must pass through a long years of trimming and modification. Some pioneers in democracy even experience hundreds of years to reach that stage of maturity. But the worse is: democratic development is unique to each countries' social and demorgraphic
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