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HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Hong Kong's special position, both politically and economically, requires that we move forward, yes; we must move forward, but we must move with considerable caution and forethought. If the Council were to extend gradually its interest and responsibilities, not only would the education of the public follow as a matter of course, but there would be a closer liaison between Government and Council, between Council and the public and Government and public, that could only result in all-round benefits to all—and as each field of expertise is acquired pragmatically over a period of years, the whole programme of reform could be realized ultimately without any major upheaval or catastrophe.
Mr. Chairman, whilst appreciating that this is a matter for further deliberation and higher level decision I would be failing in my duty if I were to support this motion without expressing a tone of caution.
With these words, I support the motion.
MRS. ELLIOTT:--Mr. Chairman, in supporting the Motion, I should first like to express appreciation to my colleagues for the hard work that has gone into the making and recording of this report. I agree that Committees must work out details but at the same time may I express some reservations and suggest some amendments of my own.
1. My first reservation concerns the scope of the franchise for the new and enlarged Council. I am by no means satisfied with the franchise that exists for the present Urban Council. On paper, the new franchise has been extended to about 240,000 persons. But does anyone know in truth how many persons have the right to vote? How much duplication is there?
Even granted that 240,000 persons were eligible (which I doubt), it is unsatisfactory. I am in favour of a more universal franchise to include all adults, with only a residential qualification; otherwise we shall defeat the very purpose so admirably expressed in the foreword of this report, that "The full co-operation of the people must be won so that in concert Hong Kong may continue to make progress all along the line". What concert can we hope for with only 6% of the population enfranchised? Is our economy intended to benefit only 6% of the people?
Moreover, in my estimation the registration should be automatic. It is believed that some are afraid to register, partly because they fear a small slip will bring penalties on their heads. If the Government registers them automatically this fear will be removed.
2. My second reservation concerns the Legislative Council and its relation with the Urban Council. Unless some democratic representation on the Legislative Council is attained, any extension of the jurisdiction of the Urban Council will be doomed from the start. We on this Council know how often we have made recommendations and passed Motions, sent them to the higher Councils at the Colonial Secretariat and there they have been buried. If any reply is received at all it is usually in the negative.
If the jurisdiction of this Council is expanded, how frustrated shall we be if blocking by the Legislature which is wholly unrepresentative, continues. How much more time and effort shall we waste attempting to better conditions for the community, knowing full well that we have not one atom of power to give even an extra foot of living space to one of our resettlement tenants.
At present we are like children playing at Councils. Or we are like beggars, asking for coins and receiving only crumbs.
The great questions of this Council continue to be decided by a handful of people who in no way represent the population, or the interests of the population.
3. My third reservation concerns a criticism levelled at this Council by a certain weekly magazine. I quote: "The Council has not so far risen to the challenge of proving its own ability to improve the performance of the administration and eradicate corruption".
It is grossly unfair that the failures of the legislature are thus attributed to us. Will my colleagues in the Legislative Council please note if every department of the Government came under our jurisdiction, not only would we not have one iota of power more than we have today with the present legislative set-up, but we should be frustrated in the day to day carrying out of any bye-laws we might make. Laws in Hong Kong appear to be made purposely to be broken by those who want to pay to break them, and those who are willing for payment to shut their eyes. Some of us have done our best to bring corruption out into the open; and some of us have received only abuse for our pains. The sole power to decide on action in corruption cases lies with the Anti-Corruption Branch, and again we are powerless to clear up the mess.
If we are to carry out our own policies, we must have the power to hear public complaints about abuses, and recommend dismissal of public servants in the departments under our jurisdiction. It is surely better to err on the side of protecting the public rather than sacrifice the public at large and bring disgrace upon whole departments, not to mention the setting at naught of the laws.
In my view, unless these matters—the franchise, the democratic progress of the Legislative Council, and the power to deal with corruption are attended to, our position in the enlarged Council will be just
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HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
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ווי
Page 160 of 279
294
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Hong Kong's special position, both politically and economically, requires that we move forward, yes; we must move forward, but we must move with considerable caution and forethought. If the Council were to extend gradually its interest and responsibilities, not only would the education of the public follow as a matter of course, but there would be a closer liaison between Government and Council, between Council and the public and Government and public, that could only result in all-round benefits to all-and as each field of expertise is acquired pragmatically over a period of years, the whole programme of reform could be realized ultimately without any major upheaval or catastrophe.
Mr. Chairman, whilst appreciating that this is a matter for further deliberation and higher level decision I would be failing in my duty if I were to support this motion without expressing a tone of caution.
With these words, I support the motion.
MRS. ELLIOTT:--Mr. Chairman, in supporting the Motion, I should first like to express appreciation to my colleagues for the hard work that has gone into the making and recording of this report. I agree that Committees must work out details but at the same time may I express some reservations and suggest some amendments of my own.
1. My first reservation concerns the scope of the franchise for the new and enlarged Council. I am by no means satisfied with the franchise that exists for the present Urban Council. On paper, the new franchise has been extended to about 240,000 persons. But does anyone know in truth how many persons have the right to vote? How much duplication is there?
Even granted that 240,000 persons were eligible (which I doubt), it is unsatisfactory. I am in favour of a more universal franchise to include all adults, with only a residential qualification; otherwise we shall defeat the very purpose so admirably expressed in the foreword of this report, that "The full co-operation of the people must be won so that in concert Hong Kong may continue to make progress all along the line". What concert can we hope for with only 6% of the popula- tion enfranchised? Is our economy intended to benefit only 6% of the people?
Moreover, in my estimation the registration should be automatic. It is believed that some are afraid to register, partly because they fear a small slip will bring penalties on their heads. If the Government registers them automatically this fear will be removed.
2. My second reservation concerns the Legislative Council and its relation with the Urban Council. Unless some democratic repre- sentation on the Legislative Council is attained, any extension of the
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
295
jurisdiction of the Urban Council will be doomed from the start. We on this Council know how often we have made recommendations and passed Motions, sent them to the higher Councils at the Colonial Secretariat and there they have been buried. If any reply is received at all it is usually in the negative.
If the jurisdiction of this Council is expanded, how frustrated shall we be if blocking by the Legislature which is wholly unrepresentative, continues. How much more time and effort shall we waste attempting to better conditions for the community, knowing full well that we have not one atom of power to give even an extra foot of living space to one of our resettlement tenants.
At present we are like children playing at Councils. Or we are like beggars, asking for coins and receiving only crumbs.
The great questions of this Council continue to be decided by a handful of people who in no way represent the population, or the interests of the population.
3.
My third reservation concerns a criticism levelled at this Council by a certain weekly magazine. I quote: "The Council has not so far risen to the challenge of proving its own ability to improve the performance of the administration and eradicate corruption".
It is grossly unfair that the failures of the legislature are thus attributed to us. Will my colleagues in the Legislative Council please note if every department of the Government came under our juris- diction, not only would we not have one iota of power more than we have today with the present legislative set-up, but we should be frustrated in the day to day carrying out of any bye-laws we might make. Laws in Hong Kong appear to be made purposely to be broken by those who want to pay to break them, and those who are willing for payment to shut their eyes. Some of us have done our best to bring corruption out into the open; and some of us have received only abuse for our pains. The sole power to decide on action in corruption cases lies with the Anti-Corruption Branch, and again we are power- less to clear up the mess.
If we are to carry out our own policies, we must have the power to hear public complaints about abuses, and recommend dismissal of public servants in the departments under our jurisdiction. It is surely better to err on the side of protecting the public rather than sacrifice the public at large and bring disgrace upon whole departments, not to mention the setting at naught of the laws.
In my view, unless these matters the franchise, the democratic progress of the Legislative Council, and the power to deal with corrup- tion are attended to, our position in the enlarged Council will be just
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