1940-01-19 — Page 14

Friday,

HONGKONG TELEGRAPH

January 19, 1940

GOOD USED CARS

PEACE

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Chrysler Roadster-1930 Model

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Ford 10 Saloon-1038 Model

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All The Above Cars Carry The. Hongkong Hotel Garage Guaranice & Bervice

-also-

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Hongkong Telegraph.

Friday, January 19, 1940. Wyndham St., Hongkong Telephone: 26015

THE prefix "pecial to the Telegraph" is used by the Hongkong Telegraph" to indicate rows which is strictly copyright under the provisions of the Telecommual- calions. Ordinance. 1816. Buch newa ni bears the indication "UP" is received in Jonghong on the date of publication by the United Press Associations, who re- serve all rights and forbid republication. either wholly or in part without previous arrangement.

Mass Attacks By Air

SO far the results of German attacks by air have been very favourable to the defence. Noth- ing would please us more than if the enemy continued those piece- meal operations. But that is

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`the Hong Kong SOCIETY FOR THE PROTECTION OF CHILDREN

The Society saka for

$35,000

In 1940 to meet the increasing needs of sick and destitute children in Hong Kong. A copy of the Annual Report' for :1939 may be obtained from:

Mr. A. McKELEAR, O,A'Arte „inat

c/o Mackinnon Mackenale & Co.,

F. & O. Building i

Mr. KWOK OHAN,

c/o The Banque de L'Indo-Chine,

Hon Kong

Hon, TrenkuITATS.

ment. Sooner or later mass ut- tacks will be made, and then for the first time the world will learn what lessons are to be got from air fighting on a large scale be- tween two well-equipped forces. Neither Spain nor Poland offered the means of judging.

As even a layman will under- stand, in an attack in mass some machines are bound to get through, but their chances of getting back may be very slen- der.

one

The difficulties of organising a mass operation are much greater than the inexpert may think. An aeronautical correspondent points to problems which only experience—and costly experi- ence can solve. There is, he says, the question of whether to approach the objective, as large formation or to converge on it from different directions. If the former plan is adopted there must be a place of rendez- vous which may entail waste of time and petrol, and probably in poor visibility. Moreover, such a large formation would spread over such a wide area that con- centrated fire on attacking figh- ters would be difficult or even- impossible, whereas the fighters would be able to attack the out- lying enemy planes in advan- tageous circumstancos. “

Other plans have their own, problems, but the opinion of this aeronautical specialist is that the method most likely to be employed will be to converga upon the objective in a large number of smaller formations.

W

КЛЕСНО- SLOVAKIA

JEWISH PROBLEM

OVERLOADED

AUSTRIA

Stamps. Alhida

Labour's Peace

HAT should be the principles of a peace settlement?

The first principle is that there should be no dictated peace. We have no desire to humiliate, to crush or to divide the German nation. There must be restitution, made to the victims of aggression, but all ideas of revenge and, punishment must be excluded.

Men cannot get along without a religion. If one is abandoned an- other is adopted, The, spirit pf man, crancs a friendly God, and you give him economics, lie asks for immor-⠀⠀ tality, and you say, "Be content, here ta beer and bicon W. MaCNEILE

DIXON.

If peace is to be lasting it must result from the agreement of all, not from the dictation of a few nations. The failure of the treaties at the end of the last war to bring abiding peace was largely due to the neglect of this prim- ciple.

But if we desire to build a new world its foundations must be fald not only by the large- and strong, but by, the small and less power- ful. It is the function of law to prevent the strong abusing his strength at the expense of the weak. The smaller nations, just because they are not aggressive, bring to the councils of the nations à mest valuable element.

The second principle necessarily follows. It is the recognition of the right of all nations, great or small, of whatever colour or creed, to Ilve and to develop their own characteristic civilisation, providel that they do not thereby infringe the rights if others.

The German, reinquishing his conception of the primacy of the German race, must re- cognise that the Pde and the Czech and the Jew have as much right as he, no more and no less, to a placo in the world and to a share in the bounty of Nature.

Equally, the Brion must recognise that the same is true of the African or any other Inhabitant of the Eritish Empire. The Gor- man must concede to the Austrian the right to decide his own future. The Briton must equally concede the same right to the Indian,

No Force

Inw

Thirdly, there must be a complete aban- donment of aggression and of the use of armed force as aninstrument of policy. War must be outlawed and the rule of accepted. Where dsputes cannot be amicably. settled by negotiatin, they must be submitted to the decision of disinterested arbitrators and their decision accepted.

Fourthly, there must be recognition of the rights of national, helal and religious minori- ties. While as far as possible avery State should be left frd to manage its internal affairs, there is a common interest in the pre- vention of oppressin, and in the recognition of the rights of indviduals.

Where there a racial minorities in any State, there must some effective authority by an internationd body over the sovereign rights of the indivdual State,

Fifthly, there must be acceptance of the principle that international anareby is in- compatible with pace, and that in the com- mon interest theremust be recognition of an International authrity superior to the indi vidual States and endowed not only with rights over them, ut

put with power to make them effective, openting not

not only in the poll- tical, but in the

or omic must federate or

sphere

Europe

there ust bo abandonment of

\\m and aceptance of the principle

that in, the government of colonies and de- pendencies where sif-government cannot yet be conceded, the inbrests of the natives must be paramount, andthat there must be equal access for all natins to markets and raw materials.

We Have Learned-

This can best brachieved by an extended and strengthened mandate system under International authrity, We hold that the redistribution of clonial territories between; rival Imperialisms is no solution, for we do not admit that an nation has the right to hold athers in subction.

It will be seen that the acceptance of these principles will invive the creation of inter- national machiner in order to make them effective. If aggresion is to cease, there must be some force bylch the aggressor.com be compelled in the inte resort to desist.”

"The

he experienceof the last twenty years has shown that to intrust this duty of enföre- ing the roof w: to "indiridiial Statek, operating with ther own armed förces. Has proved unworkable

There must infead be an international force, possessed of auch overwhelming

Aims

by The Rt. Hon.

C.R. Attlee, M.P.

The following Principles of Peace were laid down by Mr. Attlee in an important speech at the Caxton Hall, London, recently. The full speech, which inchides a comprehensive analysis of the events leading up to the war, is to be published as a

pamphlet.

strength that no would-be aggressor would dare to challenge it.

For many reasons an international air force is the most appropriate instrument.

In addition, every State must accept the obligation of bringing against any disturber of the peace the power of economic sanctions. As a natural corollary of the establishment of an international forco, there must be a drastic reduction of all national forces to the amount necessary for the preservation of internal order.

Such

armed forces as remain in the hands individual States must be subjected to international inspection. Private manufac- ture and trado in armaments must bo abolished.

of

The existence of an international force necessarily implies an international authority. to control it.

It would be unwise to attempt to set out in detail the exact nature of such an authority or do more than specify the principles on which it should be establlabed.

·

Fair for All

There are broadly two ways in which such an authority might be constituted. It might bo autocratic or democratic. In the former case, a small number of great Powers might dominate and enforce their will on the remainder. In the latter, all States would share in decisions.

A world or a Europe under the orders of four

or Ave big States would not be free. It might merely be an imperialism in commis- sion. We, as believers in democracy, hold that the small nations which have formerly con- tributed, and still do to-day, so much of value to the world, should take their full share in an international authority.

to

I have already indica

indicated some of the duties which an international authority would have perform. It should deal with the difficult frontier problems which are the ostensible cause of the present war,

The settlement of these questions is some- Imes in the mind of those who speak of peace

But, in fact, the solution of these prob depends on

on the adoption of the prin- ciples which I have already laid down.

Many frontier problems are due to boun- dartes having been drawn in conformity with strategie considerations which relovance 11 a

a world from

bang

the

will have no war has been

errors have been made because of exclusive nationalism which demands a coincidence of economic and political fron tiers. Minority questions are rendered more. dimeult of solution owing to an exaggerated conception of the nead for uniformly in a State, again due largely to military con- siderations.

Room to Live

It would be a mistake to try to redraw the- map of Europe, as part of the proposals for aɛ. peace settlement. It is right to affirm that' Auairlans, Czechs, Foles and dormans aro nations with the right to room to live, but I

would be premature to consider exact boun- darles until principles have been accepted.

Adjustments of boundaries, and even, where necessary, and practicable, Just and peaceful transters of population. could be effected through the international authority.

In some instances there might have provision for a measure of local autonomy. The Jewish problem, which concerns so many States, can only be settled by an international authority.

to

It would be equally premature to lay dowr as part of the conditions of peace whether the new international authority should in the first place be confined to Europe or whether should embrace other continents. That

these principics. must depend on how

it ought to be are accepted, though built on the widest foundations.

It

the

No less dangerous than the

n the political is economic anarchy of the world. When, the war ends, there will be widespread economic- dislocation, and great poverty, while the dras.. tic reduction of armaments which we envisage will release immense Industrial capacity which will be wasted unless steps are taken to divert it into a channel where it will be of service to mankind.

Bold economic planning on a world scale will be an imperative necessity to most the post-war situation, and to avoid in the future recurrent economic crises.

Social Justice

International Institutions for this purpose must be created. It is of at least equal mea portance that the scope and.authority of the "International Labour Offico-should-be en-

larged,

2

It should be given the task of preparing International minimum standards of wages.. hours and industrial conditions, in order that, by increa

increased production, by a more just dis- tribution and by the wealth relcased from expenditure upon arms, the standard of liv ing of the workers shall everywhere be raised. For penco depends on social justice with States, no less than on political justice between States.

It may be urged that the principies which I have laid down are too far-reaching and that the whole scheme is chimerical, Idealistic and beyond the bounds of practical politics. It may be, urged that it will bo dimeuit to gain acceptance for such a vast change and that it would be wiser to seek a mote modest objective. The answer to this is that ́, remedies are

are conditioned by the gravity For the discases which they are designed, to cure. If we want a peaceful world we must be prepared to face the great changes which must be involved.

We believe that these principles can be accepted by all peoples and can form the basis of a just and enduring peace.

We seek no favoured position. Wo do not demand from others what we are not prepared to concede ourselves. We appeal for support to these principles first of all to our own people, to all of those who," whether dr. not they belong to

to the

Labour Party, share our faith in democracy and our desire for peace,

We ask them to consider whether or not m their opinion these principles moet the needs of this country and of the world. We appeal to the people of all countries who equally long for peace and we appeal especially to the people of Germany, in whose hands lies the decision whether or not millions at · men, women and children are to suffer death.

Germany's Choice

Herr Hitler has started this war, but he can only continue it if the German people. continue to support him. The fact that he la the leader of the German peopleḥ does not relieve them of their responsibilities to one another

her and to the world.

Peace is obtainable now, provided that there is an abandonment of aggression and a recognition of the rights of all nations and of all people. We do not seek the destruction or the dismemberment of Germany. We wish 21 il to the German people of rationa

We are ready to- welcome them into the family

We declare our principles, which are no different from those which we proclaimei,atī the time when Germany was' DIDEPAN Afdrɛ. the last war. We stand by our

u because of any weakness, but bedway, ni dur confidence in the victory of our cause,

We are ready whenever we are called upon to take responsibility for the government or the country, to do our utmost to get the principles accepted and put into effeck

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