1939-02-14 — Page 30

FOR

THE HONGKONG TELEGRAPH, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1939,

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT

Mr. William C. Kailey and relatives of the late Susan Knitey wish to thank all friends for the sympathy In their bereavement, and for floral tributes sent.

The

Thongkong Telegraph.

Wyndham St., Hongkong

'Phone 26615 February 14, 1939

Dividedly United ANYONE who may expect to find

in Great Britain that facade of unity which is erected in totalitarian states is looking for a vain thing. There is deep and intense feeling there about the rights and the wrongs of the great insues which confront British statesmen.

re-

The very life of democracy de pends upon such feeling finding open expression in public life. There need therefore be no proachful cries about "disunity" If Mr.

Government Chamberlain's finds itself face to face with vehe ment opposition, provided that this opposition is not merely captious. This is the way in which constitu- tional government works, not driv ing discontents underground but allowing them to appear on the sur- face, so that their constructively corrective influence may be felt, and the Government may be able to modify its policy if it finds itself drifting away from public sympathy.

Under the fierce but in the main wholesome fire of eriticism Mr. Chamberlain has been able to sense the current of public opinion, with the result that recently he has stif fened

Ger- his attitude toward many, demanding that its rulera too should give a "sign" that they will co-operate in peacemaking. He ne also shown that he will support France if Italy presses for changes in the Mediterranean,

The Parliamentary opposition to Mr. Chuinberlain is strangely as- Burted. In the attack upon his for- eign policy we and the Labour Party allied with anti-Socialist Con- servatives like Mr. Winston Chur- chill, Mr. Alfred Duff-Cooper, and the Duchess of Athol, and with idealists like the Conservative Mr. Anthony "Eden, and Sir Archibald Sinclair, leader of the Liberals. Detestation of Fascism, as such. animates the Labour Party. The maintenance of the strength and prestige of the British Empire especially moves Mr. Churchill and his Conservative group. Belief in the ideal of collective security and in the capacity of Britain to guido the disinterested nations and help the weaker, inspires Mr. Eden and the Liberals.

Those groups are united in a do- sire to "call the bluff” of the dicta- tor countries, Instead of seeking to

F

THE

JEWS

WHERE NEXT?

Frenchman's dilemma

D

RANCE, has reached crisis in her history-the most serlous, I believe, since the foundation of the Third Republic.

She is threatened from with- out and from within. A series of events that culminated in the Munich Agreement under- mined and then destroyed France's international position.

At the same time the country's economic framework decayed and repair work has been frustrated by the resistance of those required to make sacrifices.

Rearmament is the last, pon- derous straw to be placed on the back of the economic camel.

But a greater danger than these 1 France's state of mind-the utter confusion

public of

opinion, divisions in political leadership and vacillations in government, all three demoralised by Munich.

arc

FRENCH democracy is split into as many fac- Lions

thero As Frenchmen. Not only is the Opposition divided on vital issues. but also the Majority and the Cabinet itself. Such conditions have paralysed the democratic supervision of national polley. In fact, democracy has been sus- pended without anyone noticing the fact.

There is no sufficiently cohesive force to influence the Cabinet's foreign policy, and, as for home affairs, the crumbling People's Front majority bas handed over [unconstitutionally, if temporarily) its prerogatives to the Government in the form of plenary powers.

If chaos cannot be mapped, it can be revealed. Let us begin with the Frenchman-in-the-Street, who was mobilised and wearlly resigned to war on the eve of Munich. Next day he went mad with relief. Now

negotiate with them as Mr. Cham- berlain has done. They all claim to be as much in favour of peace as Is the Prime Minister. They at tack his policy because they differ from him as to the best means of; promoting peace.

In all this there is no party dog- fight. Indeed, the differences cut right across party politics.. More- ever, groups which agree on certain questions are found dlangreeing on others; against the Government on one point; this or that group is withi It on another. Thus Mr. Churchill favours conscription, and strongly insists that the new National Regin- ter should be compulsory. The Labour Party' fs with the Govora- ment in disliking compulsion.

In one important respect there. is no disunity. All, in the Govern-1 ment and outside It, urge the strenu- cus organisation of all the resources; of the country for defence. The disagreement is solely concerned' with the methods to be employed. Unwelcome as is the terrific finan- cial strain of arming on the prevent scale, there is unanimous fooling that Britain must bend all'ita ener gles to the task of being strong.

by JACK SANDFORD

he does not know what to think or feel. He wants France to be better armed, but the idea of the neces- sary sacrifices repels him.

Now for the biggest organised force in the country, an indepen- dent extra parliamentary com- ponent of the People's Front-the Tendes Union Confederation. It contains

four main tendencies identined with General Secretary Leon Jouhaux, Assistant Secretary René Belin, the Teachers' secretary M. Delmas, and the Communist Party.

The Delmas group is uncom- promisingly pacifist; it prefers anything to the risk of war. The larger Belin group fears war more than it fears Fascism; it does not anticipate Fascism in France, but it is certain that war even with victory would destroy everything that makes the workers' lives worth living; it places its hopes in an international conference rather than in a super-arms programme.

THE Jouhoux STOUD Icars Fascism more than war, and is ready to risk war to save democracy, particu- larly French democracy, which it believes to be menaced. It fav- ours rearmament, but does not exclude negotiations backed by guns. It would not fight or support a war solely for the defence and assistance of the U.S.S.R. In this, It diera from the Communists

both in the T.U.C. and in Parika- ment.

The mainspring of Communist policy is the defence and assistance of the U.S.S.R. by uncompromising resistance to Germany in all felds; It is hostile to any negotiations that do not reinforce the Russian position.

sions,

ALL these groups, even the Communists, have their internal dissen-

The Socialists form the large parliamentary party and the

most important element of what has been hitherto the Mujority. A scale of Socialist opinions ranges from those who are prepared to risk immediate war to check Facciam to those who are for peace. at any price,

Then there are those who would only fight if attacked, those who sco Imperialism as the enemy, not Fascism,

those who approve Munich and those who do not, and finally, those who deny that there was a risk of war before Munich and those who, like Leon Blum, affirm it.

The great majority of the last

Government big

party,

the Radicals, are behind the Govern- ment and its policy of conciliation. They favour Munich. But here, again, there are divisions. Some of the Party's Left-wingers are for resistance, while others are for

GRIN AND BEAR IT

11-20

Đạo 1988 by Dalat Fakhre mitations, Jou

By Lichty

"f weld to her, "Let's see you TRY to get a property settiment

outa me!"

<soros, Adhitzbu

conciliation, Among the Nadleat members of the Cabinet, Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet is the great champion of unconditional conciliation; he laid down the lines of his policy long before tho Czechoslovakian crisis. Some other Radical Ministers are not so sure,

Further towards the Centre is the Pezet group, hostile to Munich and favouring a stern policy. Then, contes the group of Cabinet Minister Mandel, whose leader was." among the most hostile to Munich and who stili favours resistance while others in the group are quite conciliatory.

Moving towards the Right, there is the powerful "Big Business group led by ex-Premier Flandin. This group is split. Its leader per- sonally encouraged Hitler in his demands, and he and his friends are for concillation at any price. Their attitude has resulted in the resignation of a number of other members of the group. Including Finance Minister Paul Reynaud, alterly hostile to the Cabinet's whole foreign policy.

THE middle tendency in the party approves the ......Munich. Agreement, but ndolts the humiliation of it, would maintain the Russian alliance and rearm, but is keen to negotiate with Germany. A wing led by ox-War Minister Fabry is not prepared either to negotiate or to disarm. until France shall bo sufficiently strong to enforco guarantees of German good faith.

Further Right still comes the big Conservative or Maria group. A minority in it inclines towards. the polley of Munich. The major-. ity is hostile, since this polley is in direct opposition to its estab- lished polley on relations with Germany. It would rearm and seck to re-establish French pres- tige.

Not an inch of French colonial territory would it give to Hitler. But it does not like the Franco-Soviet pact and in this it differs from the somi-Fascist Right wing politician and Journa list, M. de Kerills, whose position is strangely like that of the Com- munists, except that ho puts France Arst.

Outside Parliament, there are the two blg Fascist groups-those who follow ex-Communist Dorior and would make friends with Ger- many at any prive, and those who follow Colonel de la Rocque, who do not disapprove of Munich, but are keen on re-catablishing French prestige and honour.

THIS gives a general view of French opinion on one of the principal International probloms-that of

HL Franco-German relations. were to write af.the opinions højd by those same groups and men on other problems, such as Spain or Franco-Italian relations, the whole subject would have to be re- mapped.

There are those who would fight Germany to-day and embrace Italy to-morrow. Or those who would thake Hitler's hand at any time, but want to hurt the fascists: out of painu

Iz In fact, as I said, public opinion is thaotic-so chuatic that slowly | but surely there is spreading in France the feeling, that dicta for- ship past some. RecognisiriM ENME it will not or cannot disciplina it self, France is beginning jo took for a "Strong Mark

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