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join a "clan" association, organized according to kinship principles on the basis of some fictive relationship with the clan, there being no true genealogical relationship in fact. Also, a man who has never been in his "domicile of origin" may be a member of the locality association organized for that place. In short, kinship and locality as abstract organizing concepts, but not involving true relationships, are still the major organizing principles of the Waichow Hakka in Hong Kong.
3. The Waichow Hakka associations tend to conform to the divergent pattern of the development of Chinese associations in Southeast Asia, as suggested by Freedman (1960:47-48). That is, a large association may split into a network of small associations for adapting to the needs of urban society. However, Freedman ignored the convergent pattern of development, whereby several small associations unite to form a large association in response to a special situation. The Kowloon Tz'eng Clansmen Association, a typical example of convergent development, was formed by the combination of three Tz'engs' associations cutting across the localities of Waichow, Chapchow, and Chiayinchow respectively. In fact, this pattern of development reflects changing social factors. Due to the weakening of kinship ties in an urban setting, surname associations of different localities have to unite together to promote further development. In overseas Chinese communities, the developmental pattern of the voluntary associations is so complex that one student has used the word “rattan” to analogize the situation (Li, 1970: 245).
As I mentioned before, both the Waichow Hakka and the Waichow Hoklos of Hong Kong came from the same area, but they actually had different culturally constituted behavioral environments because of their diverse ecosystems and distinctive subcultures. Traditionally, in Waichow, the seashore-dwelling Hoklos lived mainly by seafaring and its related occupations, while the mountain-dwelling Hakka mostly engaged in farming work. This cultural difference is reflected today, not only in their social and economic lives but also in their religious beliefs. The Waichow Hoklos, being content with little and preferring a free way of life, usually work as sailors, lightermen, peddlers, hawkers, grocers, and small businessmen. On the other hand, the Waichow Hakka are very conservative and hardworking. Sticking strongly to their tradition, the Waichow Hakka are active in manual occupations,
44
JLANN HSIEH
join a "clan" association, organided according to kinship principles on the basis of some fictive relationship with the clan, there being no ture genealogical relationship in fact. Also, a man who has never been in his "domicile of origin" may be a member of the locality association organized for that place. In short, kinship and locality as abstract organizing concepts, but not involving true relationships, are still the major organizing principles of the Wai- chow Hakka in Hong Kong.
3. The Waichow Hakka associations tend to conform to the divergent pattern of the development of Chinese associations in Southeast Asia, as suggested by Freedman (1960:47-48). That is, a large association may split into a network of small associations for adapting to the needs of urban society. However, Freedman ignored the convergent pattern of development, whereby, several small associations unite to form a large association in response to a special situation. The Kowloon Tz'eng Clansmen Association, a typical example of convergent development, was formed by the combination of three Tz'engs' associations cutting across the locali- ties of Waichow, Chapchow and Chiayinchow respectively. In fact, this pattern of development reflects changing social factors. Due to the weakening of kinship ties in an urban setting, surname associa- tions of different localities have to unite together to promote further development. In overseas Chinese communities the developmental pattern of the voluntary associations is so complex that one student has used the word “rattan” to analogize the situation (Li, 1970: 245).
As I mentioned before, both the Waichow Hakka and the Wai- chow Hoklos of Hong Kong came from the same area, but they actually had different culturally constituted behavioral environ- ments because of their diverse ecosystems and distinctive subcul- tures. Traditionally, in Waichow, the seashore dwelling Hoklos lived mainly by seafaring and its related occupations, while the mountain-dwelling Hakka mostly engaged in farming work. This cultural difference is reflected today, not only in their social and economic lives but also in their religious beliefs. The Waichow Hoklos, being content with little and preferring a free way of life, usually work as sailors, lightermen, peddlers, hawkers, grocers, and small businessmen. On the other hand, the Waichow Hakka are very conservative and hardworking. Sticking strongly to their tradition, the Waichow Hakka are active in manual occupations,
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