CONFIDENTIAL
supportive mention of Hong Kong in the CHOGM communique from
Kuala Lumpur in November 1989. The Chinese then made an issue of
internationalisation at JLG XIV in December 1989. This boiled
down to a message that discussion of the future of Hong Kong by
HMG with third countries and in international fora was
unacceptable.
5.
In 1990 we put a lot of effort into gaining international support for the Nationality package introduced by the British Nationality (Hong Kong) Act 1990. (Some partners responded by developing parallel schemes introducing right of abode for Hong Kong people). Throughout we have continued to lobby the Americans for unconditional renewal of Most Favoured Nation
status (MFN) for China, explaining the damaging consequences for
Hong Kong of failure to renew. Lately since Governor Patten's
arrival and his introduction of constitutional proposals for Hong
Kong "international support" has involved asking partners to speak privately to the Chinese, in support of our policies toward Hong Kong. We have asked certain influential governments (notably Japan) discreetly to register their support for the Governor's proposals for increased democracy and to encourage the
Chinese to talk to us about them.
Chinese Fears
6. The Chinese know that Hong Kong is an Achiles heel for them and have always been neuralgic about our exchanges with third parties. They seek to restrict interest in Hong Kong shown by third countries to an acceptably anodyne form eg expressions of support for the JD, and to minimise danger that Chinese policy on Hong Kong might be linked to multilateral (or bilateral)
negotiations (eg MFN renewal).
interest in Hong Kong post 1997.
Kong is a matter for Britain and China until 1997, and an
internal matter for China alone thereafter. (We disagree with
this interpretation; both the JD and international law assure us
They seek to delegitimise British
The Chinese line is that Hong
internat.NAT
JEB
CONFIDENTIAL
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