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has made. The purpose of increasing the pressure would be to
influence the way the Chinese behaved, or at the very least to
make sure that they realised that they would pay a high price in
international terms higher than they would want to pay if
they damaged Hong Kong. Real constraints on Chinese behaviour will arise only when they see that their policies towards Hong
Kong will, if continued, affect their own economic reform programme or position in the world. The most powerful of the available tools are therefore US policies towards China,
especially MFN, and GATT re-accession.
13. On MFN, it seems unlikely that President Clinton will be willing to maintain the Bush policy of unconditional renewal
although he and the key players in Congress may be willing to settle for renewal in 1993, but setting out conditions which
would have to be met before further renewal in 1994. Our policy
is conditioned by the vital importance for Hong Kong of US/China trade (70% of which flows through Hong Kong). Estimates of the
damage which would be done to Hong Kong if MFN status were
removed indicate that it could cost Hong Kong 60,000 jobs and a
halving of GNP growth. We have therefore made it clear that we are against any linkage between MFN renewal and China's treatment
of Hong Kong. The best outcome for us would be to keep the threat of withdrawal hanging over China, but to avoid stringent
conditions (for instance linking MFN to human rights) likely to
lead to the withdrawal of MFN because the Chinese could or would
not meet them. It will be tricky to achieve this. We may need
to consider lobbying in due course for conditions whose implementation was delayed pending bilateral US/China
negotiations, and/or token conditions which did not hurt Hong
Kong.
14.
On GATT, the working party formed in 1986 is in the initial stages of preparing a protocol setting out terms of Chinese adherence to GATT. Negotiations could be completed by as early
internat.NAT
JEB
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