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to pay.
Chris Patten, by contrast has followed a more open
approach that in effect placed much of the burden for deciding
Hong Kong's future on its representatives. While he did not
knowingly choose to confront the Chinese side, he has not shirked
from holding his own in public in response to often vituperative
and personal attacks from the Chinese side. Even in the absence
of a positive response to his challenge to the Chinese to come
up with alternative proposals, Patten has an agenda with which
to proceed. The proposals will be brought before Legco in
legislative form after the Chinese New Year. It is expected that
some of the measures affecting the functional constituencies and
the election committee may be amended, but that the substance of
the proposed package will be passed.
It is hoped that the Chinese side would in time modify its
opposition. Under the circumstances envisaged above some of the
proposals to which the Chinese side objected most would have been
amended. Of course other alternative developments are possible.
It is possible, for example, that in Sir Percy's words, "four
years of improved democracy, set up in conditions of worsening
Chinese hostility, [would then be dismantled in 1997 and be]
followed by a more repressive system of indefinite
duration...". 24 But it may be questioned whether these were
matters that could any longer be settled by quiet diplomacy
without the direct participation of Hong kong representatives.
23
See his letter to The Times 1 December 1992.
24
24
Sir Percy Cradock letter,op.cit.
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