37
Conference (one of the decorous rather than powerful institutions
in China) went so far as to declare in public that the Sino-
British row was "temporary" and the both sides "will finally have
understanding their common interests."
reconciliation after
-
when
Another conciliatory voice was heard from the adjoining Guangdong
Province which has most to lose from the confrontation
the vice Mayor of Shenzhen, Huang Xinhua, publicly dismissed
suggestions that there might be a Chinese military takeover if
the negotiations were to fail.21 It should also be
be noted,
however, that several of the older retired generals and senior
leaders were reported to have called for sterner measures
including military action against the British. 22 But the more
positive tones of Li Peng and Jiang Zemin, refered to earlier,
suggest that the hawkish advice was rejected.
On the British side Governor Patten would appear to be the
main policy maker on the Hong Kong issue. His appointment
followed the retirement of the previous governor, now Lord
Wilson, and it more or less coincided with the retirement of Sir
Percy Cradock as Foreign Policy adviser to the Prime Minister.
Both adhered to the previous policy best described in the words
of Sir Percy, "of quiet but tenacious negotiation with Peking in
the interest of Hong Kong, pressing hard, but avoiding open
breaches and trials of strengths for which Hong Kong will have
21 See James Pringle, "China rules out force in Hong
Kong", The Times 9 December 1992.
22 See SWB FE/1580 A1/3 for the interview with Ye Xuanping and SWB FE/1577 A2/3-7 for accounts of debates between 'hawks' and 'doves' over policy towards the British at high levels of the Communist leadership.
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