rejecting the agreement on the Court of Final Appeal, so
recently and painfully extracted in the context of the
Prime Minister's visit to Peking. The issue turned on the
number of overseas judges eligible to serve on the court,
which would be Hong Kong's substitute for the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council. Some outside element would
be important in ensuring that the territory remained within
the Common Law tradition. The wording in the Joint
Declaration was ambiguous, capable of being read as meaning
or "several". The Chinese naturally opted for the
narrower interpretation. We had accepted that was the best
we could get; and we were anxious to get the court set up and
operating well in advance of 1997. But the Hong Kong
Legislative Council and the Hong Kong legal profession,
insisted on the wider meaning, even though that would mean
no court at all. Members of Exco joined in and attacked a
deal they had endorsed when
consulted
earlier. The
legislation had to be withdrawn and the court could not be
set up. Peking, predictably, found in all this evidence of a
British conspiracy with Hong Kong to undermine the
understanding of September and reopen the issue. It seemed
a foolish refusal to come to terms with realities;
also, a bad augury for the reception of any future Sino-
British agreements on the territory; and for future
relations between the Special Administrative Region and
Peking.
to me
The announcement of Mr. Patten as Governor of Hong
Kong in April also aroused all Peking's latent suspicions,
even before he had time to read himself into his new post and
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