talks with the Chinese. The Foreign Secretary visited China
in April, tried for agreement and came very near reaching
it. But the Chinese remained elusive. They shifted their
ground. New demands appeared Or old demands were
resurrected. What they seemed be seeking were two
things. First, extreme financial reassurance in the form of
guarantees of money to be left in the Hong Kong reserves
after the construction of the airport and limitations on
government borrowing, SO that the new site and its
buildings would come to them almost as a gift. Second, and
most worrying, they sought a generalised right of veto over
major Hong Kong decisions in the transitional period. The
veto claim
claim was not baldly stated; the Chinese Foreign
Minister denied that it was being made; it was concealed in
a demand that certain matters should be subject to
consultation and consensus; but the meaning was clear
enough. At its most ambitious, the claim was that consensus
should be reached on any responsibility or obligation to be
taken on by the Government of the Special Administrative
Region. It was impossible to reconcile this with the
British Government's responsibility, acknowledged in the
Joint Declaration, for administering Hong Kong until 1997.
Nor was there, among these large and generalised demands,
any sign of the precision and certainty that we needed on
finance, on franchises, on consultation, if the Hong Kong
authorities were to get on with
on with the project, and that
private investors needed if they were to venture their
money.
This was the situation in the summer of 1991. A
2-
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