TNAG-2599-FCO40-3787-Appointment-of-Chris-Patten-as-new-Governor-of-Hong-Kong--Ap-1992 — Page 109

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Only five years remain of the 13-year transition period. It is

encouraging to see that the British Government seems to be according a

higher priority to Hong Kong. In this connection, I wish to make several

proposals for the British Government's consideration.

Confidentialing of JLG exchanges?

First, it is important to devise means by which the people of Hong Kong

can be represented in discussions between Britain and China. One way of

doing this may be to allow some members of the Legislative Council to

attend JLG sessions, either as part of the British delegation or as

observers. At the very least, there should be consultation with

Legislative Councillors on issues to be discussed by the JLG so that

public opinions can be voiced before agreements are reached.

Second, it is more important for Britain to reach agreement with China

over when the Legislative Council will be fully directly elected than

simply on an increase in the number of elected seats in 1995. If Britain

cannot grant greater democracy to Hong Kong, at least it must see to it

that by the time of British withdrawal in 1997, full democracy must be

within sight. Since the Basic Law says the ultimate goal is to have full

direct elections, Britain should press China to spell out a concrete

timetable beyond 2007.

Third, the British Government should consider legislation to govern its

relationship with Hong Kong after 1997. If legislation should be thought

inappropriate, then the British Government should publicly state what its

role will be after 1997. One concrete step would be for the British

Government to continue to make annual reports to Parliament until the year