D
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Only five years remain of the 13-year transition period. It is
encouraging to see that the British Government seems to be according a
higher priority to Hong Kong. In this connection, I wish to make several
proposals for the British Government's consideration.
Confidentialing of JLG exchanges?
First, it is important to devise means by which the people of Hong Kong
can be represented in discussions between Britain and China. One way of
doing this may be to allow some members of the Legislative Council to
attend JLG sessions, either as part of the British delegation or as
observers. At the very least, there should be consultation with
Legislative Councillors on issues to be discussed by the JLG so that
public opinions can be voiced before agreements are reached.
Second, it is more important for Britain to reach agreement with China
over when the Legislative Council will be fully directly elected than
simply on an increase in the number of elected seats in 1995. If Britain
cannot grant greater democracy to Hong Kong, at least it must see to it
that by the time of British withdrawal in 1997, full democracy must be
within sight. Since the Basic Law says the ultimate goal is to have full
direct elections, Britain should press China to spell out a concrete
timetable beyond 2007.
Third, the British Government should consider legislation to govern its
relationship with Hong Kong after 1997. If legislation should be thought
inappropriate, then the British Government should publicly state what its
role will be after 1997. One concrete step would be for the British
Government to continue to make annual reports to Parliament until the year