certainly refuse to do so, and rely on outright opposition.
10. One option in these circumstances would be to make no serious
effort to engage the Chinese in discussions, and to put all our efforts into sustaining the support in LegCo for the Governor's
proposals in their present form. We would be playing for high
stakes and the Chinese have many forms of economic and political blackmail at their disposal. There is also a general expectation in Hong Kong that we will be open to further discussion of our proposals with the Chinese. Rejection of the proposals by LegCo would be a serious blow to the Governor's authority.
11. I therefore believe that we should continue to encourage the
Chinese to enter serious discussions with us. We have already
asked them through the Joint Liaison Group how they envisaged taking discussions forward. We got a predictably negative reaction. But there would be tactical value in being seen by Hong
Kong opinion to have made every effort to consult with China. And
if we could bring about a serious discussion, for example at the
next meeting of the Joint Liaison Group (6 8 December), it would give us the chance to explore whether there is any possible basis
for an agreed way forward.
12. As for the content of any discussion with the Chinese, we have
little room for manoeuvre. It would not be right for the British
or Hong Kong Governments to take the initiative in proposing
amendments to the Governor's proposals. That would look in Hong Kong as if the Governor was on the run. But a number of groups in
Hong Kong have begun to put forward alternative proposals for the
Functional Constituencies and the Election Committee. To be
acceptable, they would need to meet the Governor's criteria that
electoral arrangements should be fair, open and command widespread
support in Hong Kong. But if any proposals did emerge which met
that test, and addressed issues of concern to the Chinese, the JLG
meeting would be an opportunity to explore them.
cab.off.SA
SLM
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