TNAG-2329-FCO40-3373-Hong-Kong-contacts-with-academics-and-writers-1991 — Page 30

FCO40 Hong Kong Department Records 聯邦事務部香港部檔案 All

2.10.

2.11.

2.12.

In their conclusion, the authors of the above quotation asked some pertinent questions:-

"Will pluralistic media voices be lost? The political boundary, as previously analysed, has narrowed. But given Hong Kong's vibrant market economy and China's promise to preserve Hong Kong's capitalism beyond 1997, we do not believe that Hong Kong will lose its pluralistic media in toto. The press has undoubtedly reshaped its journalistic paradigms, largely moving towards the centre of gravity and accommodating the twin power structure. But journalistic paradigms, like political development, are dynamically changing and may take unexpected turns. Will the Beijing leadership remain stable? Will China keep her promises? How will Hong Kong's social formations be shaped? How will the media maintain their relative autonomy? All these questions will determine the content of journalistic paradigms in the future.

This article treated only "editorial shift" not "news content". So what might be the effect of changes on this area of "lifestyle"?

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"With the demise of freedom of speech will follow the loss of the creativity that has provided the motive force for the Hong Kong economy. This will be a consequence of both the brain drain and the fact that the bulk of the population that must remain in Hong Kong will curb itself in order to avoid political persecution.'

What sort of concrete problems could prompt this? An academic paper described some in the context of economic and political affairs:-

"Since the [PRC and Hong Kong] economies are becoming ever more entwined will it be possible for the local or foreign business communities to refrain from criticising China's economic policies? Could an economic forecaster for a major bank suggest that China's economic policies are responsible for problems that in turn are tied to the country's Stalinist-type political system? Will schools be able to teach the truth about modern Chinese history, including the fact that in June 1989 elements of the Chinese army, at the behest of the Communist Party leadership of Deng Xiaoping, killed a large number of unarmed students and others in and around Tiananmen Square? Will the media and public figures be drawn into tacit support of the network of lies that are a necessary part of the present Chinese political system? Will the Chinese government run its own television and radio stations in Hong Kong? Will independent broadcasters be able to contradict official versions of the truth? Will foreign publications critical of China be sold

24 in Hong Kong?"

The "network of lies" is relevant to discussion under paragraph 2.22n.

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