TNAG-2329-FCO40-3373-Hong-Kong-contacts-with-academics-and-writers-1991 — Page 29

Another issue is self-censorship in the media. There are allegations of it already: One, for example, appeared in the South China Morning

Post:

"That we have a robustly independent RTHK is made even more

important given the worrying growth of self-censorship in the Hong Kong media, especially by ATV and TVB. It was exposed for us all to see in June [1989] when the two stations banned the music video of the song Tiananmen Square, which featured graphic footage of the bloody military crackdown of the pro-democracy movement."

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I have not myself seen the on-the-spot footage in question, but I make the assumption that it would serve to undermine the authenticity of accounts published in Beijing of the events of 4th June 1989, if the following is anything to go by:-

"The martial law troops, having suffered heavy casualties and been

driven beyond forbearance, were forced to fire into the air to open the way forward after repeated warnings .. [There were] 36 dead students in Beijing

No one among the 36 students

died in Tiananmen Square.

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The commentator in the South China Morning Post said that in relation to the banning of the video:-

"There was disturbing talk of 'delicate' situations, and the

desire not to be too controversial."

I

I understand the dilemmas. I wonder also what the responsibilities of governance are in assisting Hong Kong people to deal with them? should add that this question exemplified one of the most important points in the whole of my paper: the role of government between now

and 30th June, 1997.

2.9.

So how significant is the issue today in Hong Kong where British and PRC influences co-exist?

"[The] transition is characterized by a drastic redistribution of

power and authority, and a realignment of social forces. Most significantly, a dualistic power structure has emerged, signifying a rapid decline of traditional British colonial dominance and a corresponding rise in the influence of the People's Republic of China in Hong Kong. Given the sensitive position of the press, it is reasonable to argue that what happens to press freedom and media performance may epitomise what might hold true for other spheres of life In other words, the fate of the press is an acid test for the Chinese policy of 'two systems within one country'.