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[ LORDS ]
[LORD BRAMALL.]
barenining point. One day, perhaps not too far
2001... Auted withe deting either sido as China herself becomes, we hope, more democratic. However, only in Hong Kong will it really be possible to tell where this balance of advantage lies and what would be the best timing. For the moment very careful thought and statesmanship are required; and I know well that Hong Kong possesses citizens and public figures with just those qualities and capabilities.
The task of this country is to support in every way we can the true interests of the people of Hong Kong. Our responsibilities do not end when the Hong Kong ship of state has been piloted through the outer reefs and into the grand harbour of Chinese sovereignty; but only when she is safely and happily berthed alongside. There is still so much to do before we have fully met our obligation.
7.2 p.m.
Lord Willoughby de Broke: My Lords, I should like to begin by thanking the noble Lord, Lord Bonham-Carter, for initiating this debate. I join with other noble Lords in praising the noble Lord, Lord Sharp of Grimsdyke, for his excellent maiden speech. I declare some sort of fellow interest because I too made my maiden speech on the subject of Hong Kong.
We all recognise what a thorny problem the Government have in Hong Kong, and it is all too easy for us as outsiders to propose, while the Government have to dispose. The question of passports has in particular exercised everyone concerned with Hong Kong. I agree with the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt, and my noble friend Lord Geddes that this is an opportune moment to congratulate the Government on their resolute stance in the face of strong opposition both in China and, regrettably, in another place. In an ideal world Hong Kong would have wished for more passports, but I believe the Government now deserve encouragement rather than criticism.
Leaving the passport issue on one side, it is now clear that we must answer the need of Hong Kong for a firmly entrenched guarantee of more rapid progress to democratic government. Until June of last year it was possibly true that Hong Kong was vulnerable to the criticism that there was little interest in politics and that representative government was low on the agenda; but that was only partly true. The governor's powers have always been exercised after thorough deliberation with EXCO and LEGCO. There was democracy, if not in form at least in substance. However, the opinion polls, the demonstrations and feedback to members of LEGCO, all indicate great support for a fully elected representative government in Hong Kong sooner rather than later.
This case was eloquently and persuasively pressed by Dame Lydia Dunn and Alan Lee on their recent visit to this country. Their question-and I put it to this House on their behalf-is this: why the hesitancy in granting a limited step forward? What is the bone sticking in the Government's throat that stops them
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from swallowing the OMELCO consensus for a minimal increase to 20 directly elected seats in 190. - have heard, that isr ony one-third of tac total of 60 seats in the legislative council-and a further increase to half the seats by 1995? This would mean that until 2003 there would not be a fully directly-elected Legislative Council; 13 years from now. That is a far cry from the proposal of the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt, for 100 per cent. in 1991 and even less than the recommendation of the All Party Foreign Affairs Committee in the summer of last year which recommended that half the seats be directly elected in 1991 and all by 1995. I ask again: why the hesitation?
Our record in granting self-determination has been honourable. Our former colonies in Africa were given their freedom with a Westminste, model for democracy as a parting present; in some cases it was with almost indecent haste that they were shown the door to independence with a bare year or two to assimilate and understand an alien system of representative government. We went to war over the wishes of the Falkland Islanders to be free. I understand that we have offered to help Romania organise its first free elections. We endorse freedom wherever we find it. All this is entirely to our credit. Why then do we still haver over the now strongly expressed wishes of the citizens of Hong Kong to participate more fully in their own destiny? Surely we cannot know better than the people of Hong Kong what is good for them. They above anyone else care about the stability of that territory in which they live.
We all realise, both here and in Hong Kong, that there has to be a dialogue with China; but dialogue not monologue. It was very encouraging to hear the words of my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary that this does not mean finding out what China wants and then doing it. It means putting Hong Kong's interests above the fear of treading on Chinese toes. It means not allowing China to eviscerate the joint agreement by altering the provision for an elected legislature. Of course, there has to be dialogue and we have to allow for the concept of "face"; but we too have "face", which is our duty to the expressed needs of the people of Hong Kong who, it is worth noting, were not consulted on their future at the signing of the agreement with China in 1984.
At 30th June 1997 the only protection they will have is what we give them now; thereafter, they will be on their own. How then can we deny them what they ask? They are willing to take the risk. They are not asking us to take the risk for them. This country risks nothing, yet it would help Hong Kong so much if we were to grant what are, after all, limited requests with ready good will rather than having each concession wrung from us as though we were not all on the same side.
I believe that in giving Hong Kong what it now seeks in terms of electoral freedom, the Government would be supported wholeheartedly not only in this House but by all sides in another place and there is nothing that would at this moment be more warmly welcomed in Hong Kong.
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