HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
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5 July 1989
香港立法局
·九八九年七月五日
82
些均是缺一不可的。英國政府要逼香港人走鋼線,卻不願意為港人張開救生網,更重要的,英國 對香港三百多萬英籍人士有憲法上的責任,對其餘二百多萬港人有道義上的責任,這是不容否認 的。既然港人願以香港為家,居英權只是一種保險,但英國卻不願事前提供防範措施,只誇言事 後補救,報告書更引用賀維說話,謂在最壞情況下,英國將敦促各國合力收容香港的難民,這等 於說,當人們向警方訴說色狼當道,要求加派人手保護女性時,對方卻說:「放心吧,我們已為 妳準備了足夠的事後避孕措施了。」
居英權只是港人救港的其中一步,要港人留港、港人治港,便要配合基本法、人權法案及政制 民主化了。報告書建議的立法機關民主過程是值得支持的,但是,首屆行政長官仍由選舉團選出 則脫離了港人的民主渴求,並導致行政長官的權威及認受性大受打擊。到第二屆這四五年時間 ,特區行政長官已有可能成為另一個李鵬了!屆時即使坐最高速音速機,也快不過他們的坦克和 大炮。我重申,九七年時行政長官應是普選產生的,過往有人謂,基本法中的人權保障已很不錯 但只要想想,今天,北京的民運份子仍受文革時「坐噴射機」的酷刑,在港設立人權法案已刻 不容緩了。
總結而言,報告書中有可取的建議,可惜,這些大多是慷他人之慨的建議,而英國能力範圍內 的做法 賦與全部港人居英權的憲法及道德上的責任卻被否定,這部報告書無非是一面照妖 鏡,顯露出英國政府的虛偽,並不能帶來港人信心的恢復,反之,更激起一股反英情緒,這又是 否對中英聯合聲明的執行有利呢?報告書且利用劃分社會階層賦與居英權來吸取香港社會精英, 結果是英人掠港,港人治港。主席先生,我謹此陳辭,支持動議。
MRS. FONG: Sir, the time for shouting slogans is over. We must control our emotions, cast off our feelings of despair and see what we can do to help ourselves.
In the final analysis, the majority of the Hong Kong people are going to stay in Hong Kong. Those who wish to leave will leave. If they have not left this year, they will leave next year or the year after. Those who would remain are the majority of us who either have no means to leave or who do not wish to leave. There will also be people who gain citizenships in other countries and decide to return.
The responsibility of this Government is to those who have Hong Kong as their home.
In this climate of shattered confidence, we must focus on the principal issues that will make or break our homeland's future.
It is Hong Kong's business acumen and the strength of its economy that underpin its value to China. Accordingly, the maintenance of all of the necessary infrastructure is vital. This includes the maintenance and construction of the things you can touch and see (like roads, tunnels, power, water, the
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