TNAG-1856-FCO40-2631-Legislative-Council-of-Hong-Kong-memoranda-and-minutes-of-me-1989 — Page 97

5 July 1989

一九八九年七月五日

81

HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL

香港立法局

direction, I am reminded that our slow progress in the past can partly be attributable to the Hong Kong community being divided or even split on this very question. I was very much heartened by the consensus honourable Members of the two Councils reached towards the end of May. There now appears to be cracks. Earlier, divergent views had been expressed by my honourable colleagues. We had, for example, Mr. HUI Yin-fat and Mr. Martin LEE arguing for full democratization prior to 1997, and Mr. NGAI Shiu-kit and Mr. POON Chi-fai against, and there were other Members too. I believe their views to be sincere and with the long-term interest of Hong Kong in mind. Here, Sir, I wish to appeal to all concerned, both within and outside this Council, to remain united in spirit in the pursuit of our common goal, that of "one country, two systems" and "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong". I wish also to urge honourable Members to re-examine the issue of executive/legislature relationship. We had previously settled for what might be termed a quasi- ministerial system. It is now time that more thought ought to be given to full ministerial system, practised and proven to be successful in so many different countries. I hope to reconvene the OMELCO Constitutional Development Panel soon and hope to arrive at certain decisions and recommendations.

Sir, I am not asking people not to rock the boat; I am asking us to build a new ship when this one we are in is destined to be blown up in 1997. Let us build the new ship together. Let us not quarrel and fight, lest our present ship of state would sink before the new one is even built.

With these words, Sir, I support the motion.

周美德議員致辭:主席先生,英國國會下議院外交事務委員會就香港問題的聆訊報告經已發表, 報告的發表並不能為當前信心完全崩潰的香港人帶來鼓舞,反而成為英國出賣香港人的又一証明 回想外事委員會今年一月公佈的工作大綱時表示他們聆訊的目的,在於檢視中英聯合聲明的執 行情況。可是,報告書卻在六月四日北京屠城事件二十多天後匆匆發表,而其中的一段舉出一些 論據指出中國將繼續執行中英聯合聲明。難道六四慘劇不正顯示出北京當權者的行事不能按常理 推測嗎?難道外事委員會不覺得六四事件後,北京當權者的統治手法及信譽需要重新評估嗎?難 道北京政府能夠執行聯合聲明的誠意、能力及條件不需要仔細而批判地重新檢視嗎?難道英國政 府不應在詳細評估後採取相應補救措施嗎?我並不以為聯合聲明必須重寫,但當前人大常委會的 會議還未完結、高層領導動向未完全清晰,即使連外國的貸款也要暫時凍結,可是,外事委員會 卻可就中英聯合聲明的執行情況作出結論及建議,不是太也匆匆嗎?報告書竟可不因應中國變局 而押後發表,是外事委員會忘卻了他們當初的考察目的,抑或他們根本無誠意檢視聯合聲明能否 貫徹執行?

六四事件後,一月間,港人經濟信心指標下跌了12點,只剩八五年一月的85%,政治信心 指標更只剩82%,跌無可跌。外事委員會的報告根本未能正視問題。挽回港人信心需要一系列 的措施,包括政制民主化、制定人權法案等,但這些措施背後的保險,正正是港人的居英權,這