TNAG-1719-FCO40-2399-Hong-Kong-1987-Review-of-Representative-Government-1988 — Page 64

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4.

established tradition of liberal and democratic values, to a modern socialist state. It is only natural that

people do sometimes question how this unique and historic

experiment will work. And it is inevitable that after

the initial euphoria in 1984, confidence in the Joint.

Declaration and in our future should be tempered by realism

and caution as time passes.

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9.

But in that there are lessons for us all. Both

the British and Chinese Governments need to be more

sensitive to the anxieties and aspirations of the people

of Hong Kong. China's well publicised attitude to direct elections in 1988 and recent statements about the right

of this Council to debate the draft

the draft Basic Law have not

helped.. Equally, the British Government's treatment of

such issues 28 Vietnamese refugees

refugees and tough bargaining

over defence costs have called into question their

understanding of Hong Kong's special concerns.

10.

But, above all, we,

the people of Hong Kong

need to become a much more united community. Only then

will we carry conviction when we stand up for the rights and way of life that have been pledged to us by the Joint Declaration. For each of us to go off in pursuit of ideal

solutions would be

self-defeating, unless when all have

had their say, we are prepared to go along with the outcome

endorsed by the majority.

11.

Let us not forget, without the Joint Declaration,'

we would face the certain, reversion to Chinese sovereignty

with no promise of autonomy. There is no alternative

to it and we must

must unite as a communit6y to make a go of it. OF course, those who want to will always be able

to support their thesis that the Joint Declaration will not work and that the

the Governments concerned cannot be trusted. But what good does that do for the majority of the 6 million people in Hong Kong who have

Kong who have no option

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