8I'd
i
4.
established tradition of liberal and democratic values, to a modern socialist state. It is only natural that
people do sometimes question how this unique and historic
experiment will work. And it is inevitable that after
the initial euphoria in 1984, confidence in the Joint.
Declaration and in our future should be tempered by realism
and caution as time passes.
I
9.
But in that there are lessons for us all. Both
the British and Chinese Governments need to be more
sensitive to the anxieties and aspirations of the people
of Hong Kong. China's well publicised attitude to direct elections in 1988 and recent statements about the right
of this Council to debate the draft
the draft Basic Law have not
helped.. Equally, the British Government's treatment of
such issues 28 Vietnamese refugees
refugees and tough bargaining
over defence costs have called into question their
understanding of Hong Kong's special concerns.
10.
But, above all, we,
the people of Hong Kong
need to become a much more united community. Only then
will we carry conviction when we stand up for the rights and way of life that have been pledged to us by the Joint Declaration. For each of us to go off in pursuit of ideal
solutions would be
self-defeating, unless when all have
had their say, we are prepared to go along with the outcome
endorsed by the majority.
11.
Let us not forget, without the Joint Declaration,'
we would face the certain, reversion to Chinese sovereignty
with no promise of autonomy. There is no alternative
to it and we must
must unite as a communit6y to make a go of it. OF course, those who want to will always be able
to support their thesis that the Joint Declaration will not work and that the
the Governments concerned cannot be trusted. But what good does that do for the majority of the 6 million people in Hong Kong who have
Kong who have no option
.
1
XH SI9 91:21 88. 9T JUW
11