G.F. 316
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them represented the first official Chinese indication in public that an element of direct elections may be allowed from 1997. XU said the question would be decided in drafting the Basic Law during which process the wishes of Hong Kong people would be given "due consideration".
4.
In early October, the Ming Pao and the pro-China Mirror magazine published articles concerning China's attitude towards direct elections. The Ming Pao version quoted "a source close to the Chinese side" to the effect that China would not wish to
see direct elections introduced in 1988. The Mirror article made less pretence at being authoritative. Though generally critical of a political system based on direct elections the Mirror conceded inconspicuously that China was not opposed to direct elections per se. According to the Mirror, Peking sees merit in both direct and indirect elections. Both Ming Pao and
the Mirror are known to have sources in the NCNA so that while their reports may not signify firm Chinese positions, they do probably indicate general Chinese thinking.
5.
In Hong Kong it is clear that public opinion is divided on the issue of direct elections. The majority" appears to hold that the people of Hong Kong are not yet mature enough politically for direct elections to be introduced. Such proponents point to the well-publicised divisions among Legislative Councillors on the Daya Bay issue as an example of the undesirable consequences that radical reform could bring. Others cite this very example as justification for having direct elections based on the premise that only thus can democratic principles be upheld.
1st October
6.
The celebrations passed quietly without incident, being characterised by still heavier emphasis this year on the United Front aspects. More events were organised than last year. But though widely spread on a geographical basis their scale was
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