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practice, given the increasing polarisation of opinion in Hong Kong
and the sensitivity and innate conservatism of the Chinese, it is
likely to prove very difficult. We have made some progress, and our
success in establishing the informal dialogue provides the means to
make more. But time is short and the gap between uk still large. The problem of direct elections, and how to deal with them in the
1987 review, will be
at the same time the most difficult and the
most important issue in
over the next 12
months.
Sino-British relations
34.
At the same time the practical significance of the
introduction of a directly elected elcment should be kept in
proportion. In the immediate future only a small number of the
seats on the Legislative Council would be involved. Although they
may be seen in Hong Kong as a symbol of autonomy, in practice this
autonomy cannot be guaranteed by such a device and must be achieved
in a variety of different ways. On the other hand there is a real
possibility that the introduction of direct elections might in practice generate instability.
These
considerations will
need to be kept very firmly in mind when the time comes to consider
whether a directly elected element should be introduced in 1988.
35.
In the meantime we must continue and intensify our exchanges
with the Chinese on all the issues connected with "convergence". We
must emphasise why the 1987 review must be seen to be genuine and
open, with both the British and Chinese Governments keeping an open
mind over the outcome. We must seek to create conditions of trust
within which problems can be discussed and solved.
36.
Until the state of opinion in Hong Kong crystallises, we
cannot foresee precisely how these problems might be tackled. But
the closer our informal dialogue with the Chinese on all the issues
connected with "convergence" and the Basic Law, the better will be
our chances of finding a way forward which will at least reduce the dimensions of the problems involved
involved and present an outcome which
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