This cannot be explained away simply as opportunism, although some Hong Kong politicians and businessmen are trying to come to terms with Peking. But many others have revised their opinions from sincere conviction. They had not expected the Chinese leadership to make so many concrete concessions regarding Hong Kong's rights and freedoms after 1997. One of the more critical of Hong Kong's press commentators even went so far as to say that with this agreement Peking was the proverbial leopard who had, after all, changed his spots.
This does not mean that the majority of the population of Hong Kong no longer has any misgivings whatsoever. A Hong Kong Chinese asks pointedly, "Was it not the Chinese who invented rice paper which can be eaten together with whatever
is written on it?" He also says that the further development within the
People's Republic of China itself is more important than the agreement reached between Peking and London. He adds that if the economic reforms recently
passed by the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party were put into practice and if this led to a loosening of political shackles, the majority of the population of Hong Kong would regard this as a greater guarantee for the
future of Hong Kong than the signature on an international treaty.
The danger of radicalisation?
A representative of the Hong Kong "Observer" emphasised that this uncertainty meant not only risks, but also opportunity and challenge. He went on to say
that the majority of the population was apathetic at present, but could be
politically mobilised. This touches on a sore spot. Hong Kong likes to be
praised as the city in which more cognac is drunk per head than anywhere else
and in which proportionally there are the most Rolls Royces and Bentleys. However, in Hong Kong there is still a great deal of unspeakable poverty.
About one-fifth of the population live on or below the poverty line. A
potential for political radicalisation therefore exists. An official
representative of the People's Republic of China was once asked how Peking, which intends to retain the capitalist model for Hong Kong after all, would
react if the radical left wing in Hong Kong were to become stronger and perhaps one day be in a position to win the elections. He is said to have
replied that in that case China would know how to prevent a Communist victory
in Hong Kong.
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