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it would need to do so by Act of Parliament.
Continued British
Negotiations
administration of the territory, under any arrangement arrived at
with the Chinese, might be best provided for under the same Act,
as would the future citizenship of Hong Kong belongers.
involving recognition of Chinese sovereignty would need to take
account of our continuing international responsibility for Hong Kong
as a territory administered by the UK.
14.
The position over sovereignty is complicated by the differing
legal status of Hong Kong and the Kowloon Peninsula on the one hand
and the New Territories on the other. The former were ceded to the
British Crown by the Treaty of Nanking (1842) and the Convention
of Peking (1860) respectively. The latter were leased for a period
of 99 years under the Convention of Peking (1898). There is thus a
clear (though unstated) understanding that whether or not Britain
acquired 'sovereign rights' in the New Territories, sovereignty
would be resumed by China on expiry of the Lease. This was implicit
in the Order in Council of 20 October 1898 which declared the
New Territories to be 'part and parcel of Her Majesty's Colony of
Hong Kong' 'for the term described' in the Convention of June
1898*. A statement accepting ultimate Chinese sovereignty over the
New Territories should thus not present serious legal difficulties
if they could be treated in isolation. However, administratively the
Territory of Hong Kong constitutes a single unit and, in any case,
the Chinese (who maintain that all the Treaties were 'unequal' and
thus that all the areas in question are equally Chinese) would no
doubt require a declaration covering the whole Territory.
15.
A declaration recognising residual Chinese sovereignty over
Hong Kong Island and Kowloon would derogate from the cession of the
areas concerned under the Treaty of 1842 and the Convention of 1860.
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