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attitude to sovereignty over the whole Territory. This
could take various forms, ranging from a confidential assurance
on our part that we recognised Chinese residual sovereignty
to a public statement to that effect. China's treatment of the
Sovereignty issue is discussed at Annex B.
b) Chinese Representative in Hong Kong; the Chinese Government
have made proposals for such a representative on a number of
occasions, the latest in 1979. (See Annex C). They have
not been specific as to his role, though they would presumably
expect him to take over at least the liaison functions between
Hong Kong and the Chinese Government at present performed
by the New China News Agency (NCNA). So far HMG have taken
the line that the time was not ripe for such a move.
c)
Participation in the Administration of Hong Kong; this might
be an extension of a request for a Chinese representative.
Where functions might go beyond a quasi-'diplomatic' role.
This could be done in a number of ways, eg:
i)
a right to represent the interests of the
Chinese population of Hong Kong (whatever their legal
status in the eyes of HMG);
ii) The right of consultation by the Governor on major
decisions of policy;
iii)
HMG's Response
Sovereignty
13.
A seat on the Executive and/or Legislative Councils.
A concession on sovereignty would be such a major move that it shoul
only be made as a part of a general agreement on the long-term future.
Should HMG contemplate relinquishing its sovereignty over Hong Kong
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