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and too fast with unorthodox modernisation policies and thereby provoking a backlash. There are still plenty of doubters, in particular the middle level officials. Finally, there is the underlying contradiction between the ambitions of the modernisers, the wish to achieve the sort of growth only achieved by capitalist societies at certain favourable periods, e.g. Japan, West Germany, and on the other hand their need to preserve the tight political
framework of a Communist state.
17.
One further uncertainty I have left until last, namely will Teng seek to remove Hua. To Jestern eyes at least, it would seem unnecessary as well as unwise. He already has most of the power and, so far as we can see, is likely to have his way on
modernisation. Hua in public at least is fully committed to such plans and being much younger then Tong should be able to assure continuity when Zeng dies. Teng spouks rupeatedly of unity and stability and declares he does not want to be Premier. Moreover Hua is not a man to be underestimated. Though increasingly playing the Merovingian King to Teng's Mayor of the Palace, he retains a considerable power base in the Party machine and from his public security and provincial past. To remove him ould be a difficult and destabilising operation, though not impossible.
18.
On the other hand Chinese politics is a ruthless business. Hua has a shady past, as a beneficiary of the Cultural Revolution and one of those concerned in suppressing the Tien An Mer incident. Much of the recent poster criticism indirectly casts doubt on him and at least one left wing publication in Hong Kong, reflecting guidance from Feking, raises a direct question on his role over the Tien An Men affair. Teng is therefore to some degree already moving against Hua and if Teng himself hesitates his
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