TNAG-0832-FCO40-1040-Future-of-the-Dependent-Territories-1979 — Page 140

we mun

bear the form in Mythic haven

wound when, afer the outh's

Conference,

Lut

come to prepare

dupalih

a final version of the despatch

Mr Stratton

157:

N Clarke 1811

3

this conterns mostly one of the points that we emphasised as still being

open to discussion - where do you stop

CONFIDENTIAL constitutional adrance in countries where

independence is not immediatel

prospect.

W.E. Chantill

1571

I am afraid that I have only now seen the proposed draft despatch on policy towards dependent territories of which the original was circulated, I understand, while I was abroad. I apologise therefore for coming late into the discussion.

2.

What

The draft as it stands does not seem to me to paint a very clear picture of our basic policy. I agree with you that "accelerated decolonisation" should be dropped. our policy is, as I understand it, is decolonisation in accordance with the wishes of the people. This accords closely with the provisions of UNGA Resolution 1514 although I am not sure what the moral of that is.

3. In implementing this classical policy which we have followed for many years, it has been accepted that Governmental powers on internal matters should be progressively devolved upon locally elected assemblies and Ministers; and that they should be given the opportunity to learn the art of Government by making their own mistakes. By refraining from intervening except where their mistakes are likely to have serious effects, we also seek to educate the electorate by giving them an opportunity to judge the qualities of those elected, which they could not do if the Ministers were not allowed to exercise real responsibility.

4. The draft speaks of not allowing "further constitutional advance" (paragraph 6). This seems an arbitrary and quite unjustifiable position: I much prefer your own view that we

Indeed, the draft need to judge each case on its merits. seems in some places to contradict itself where it suggests that internal self-government will not be granted except where independence is in view. In practice, once a working model of a parliamentary democracy has been built up (and it should perhaps be stated that it is our objective to do this where it has not already been achieved) the only areas where HMG needs to reserve specific powers to itself are in external affairs, defence, internal security and, in some instances, finance. But these are the specific powers which are reserved under internal self-government anyway and I can see no argument for refusing as a matter of general policy to devolve other internal responsibilities upon locally-elected Ministers, subject always to HMG's overriding responsibility to Parliament, but even here it has long been accepted in Parliament that the local population in a territory has a right to choose its own leaders and that the British Government should not seek to prevent those leaders from exercising genuine responsibility for policy formulation and administration except where vital British interests may be touched or where their actions are likely to cause serious damage. My suggestion therefore is that our general policy of decolonisation in accordance with

HKG 025/1 025/1

18 JAN 1779

/popular

No

1811

CONFIDENTIAL

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