TNAG-0647-FCO40-795-Study-of-labour-relations-in-Hong-Kong-by-Professor-H-A-Turn-1977 — Page 131

FCO40 Hong Kong Department Records 聯邦事務部香港部檔案 All

xii

present exposition (perhaps to the point of distortion) has stressed

factors restricting mobility in the labour force.

8. The part played by combinations of workers in regulating the labour

market:

Unions rarely, if ever, bargain with employers directly over

wages or conditions of employment (except in government, see below).

They do not effectively restrict entry into the various trades.

This leaves employers free to dictate wage levels in industries

which are not marked by a chronic shortage of labour (see notes at

various places). But workers are not entirely without power. They

are often active when threatened by collective redundancy and

appear to be capable of sustaining downward rigidities of wage rates

during recessions. But, for the most part, individuals must

bargain with employers on a one-to-one basis

their labour through quitting for another job; they can lobby for

the redress of personal grievances (sometimes through the unions or

joint consultative committees); they can press for higher wages if

the market conditions are right. Nevertheless we should ask why

the development of collective bargaining has failed to get off the

ground in HK, with the notable exception of government.

-

they can withdraw

First, China controls the left unions and appears to be

unwilling to let union officials have anything at all to do with

employers and representatives of government. This may be because

they do not want to disturb a profitable (and politically safe)

status quo – certainly the political economy of Kwangtung province

at least would be negatively affected by disturbances leading to

a takeover of HK. It may be because union officials would be put

at greater risk of being seen to fail their members if they

negotiated with employers. In any case, Peking could not pursue

this policy if there were mass dissatisfaction among the working

class in HK. Second, the employers are set against dealing with

communists and see no reason to alter the status quo in the absence

of any pressure to do so. (This may be shortsighted, since a

revival of 1967 conditions might not be so easily deflected next

time and policies of reform introduced under the stimulus of mass

unrest might be too late.) They are supported in this stand by

their earlier successes whenever class war has broken out in the

Colony -the history of strikes, lockouts, police action, etc has

K

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