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First liberality, i.e. the need to do something which had a
major impact on developing country trade. Second commonality.
In their view the intention all along has been to develop a
common system and this was clearly the intention in UNCTAD
Resolution 21(II) agreed in New Delhi. Separate action could
cause distortion of trade as well as difficulties in assessing
burden sharing. It could also increase the danger of argu-
ments with the developing countries, a danger which would be
easier to avoid with a common system.
Third there was non-
discrimination. The U.S. was opposed to any preferences which
discriminated in favour of one group of developing countries
Their scheme was based on MFN treatment
against another.
at two levels one for developed countries and the other for
all LDCs. The obvious consequence of this was the elimination
of existing special and reverse preferences at all levels.
As regards special preferences this would happen automatically
with a common scheme moving to zero tariffs.
The U.S. felt
strongly about both these matters and would exclude developing
countries continuing to participate in special or reverse
preferences.
Finally there was non-reciprocity.
Nothing in
Kronk concluded by
return should be asked from the LDCs.
pointing out that any U.S. scheme would need to be approved by
Congress and that Congress would not agree unless a common
scheme were adopted and special and reverse preferences were
eliminated. Exceptions must also be minimal and escape clause
action comparable between all donors. The scheme would also
be temporary and it should not interfere with future MFN cuts.
13. The EEC (di Martino) "thanked" the U.S. and Japanese for
their "late offers" and pointed out that the Community had
supported the principle of preferences for six or seven years
(which is rather a distortion of the truth). It might be
thought that the no limitation/safeguard type of scheme was the
more liberal. But in the circumstances of the EEC it might
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/not be,
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