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a very different attitude to trade with China on the
part of the U.S.A. (which takes 37% of all Hong Kong's
exports) and some understanding with our other Western
allies and friends who trade with China and Hong Kong that
they would not regard the change of administration as an
opportunity to reduce drastically or cut off altogether
their trade with the latter.
If we cannot make use of this
card then we shall be reduced to such economic counters as
continuing to give access to Hong Kong products in our own
markets (which take only 17% of all exports) and the use
of Hong Kong assets held in London (not all of which could
be handed over and which are in any case equivalent to only
one and a half times China's annual earnings of foreign
exchange through Hong Kong).
78.
Overt American involvement in a mutual arrangement with
China to hand over Hong Kong seems out of the question given
present U.S. policies towards China. In this situation the
best we could expect would be that fear of American reaction
to a forcible take-over might be a factor inclining China to
seek an agreed solution and, in doing so, not to press us too
hard. On the other thand, if American attitudes were to
change to the extent of lending their weight to such a
transfer, the value of Hong Kong's trade with the U.S.A.
would exercise a restraining influence on Chinese attitudes
in our exchange with them.
79. It is unlikely that we could make much play with the
fact that in international law Hong Kong Island and the tip
of Kowloon peninsula were ceded to us in perpetuity (see
paragraph 1 of Annex A), in the face of China's attitude
/that
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