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TROTSKY'S DEFENCE.

SOVIET JUDGMENT.

The Resolution" of the Plenum of the Central Committee and of the Cen- LETTER TO THE RED TRIBUNAL:tral Committee of Control is a document

[FROM A CORRESPONDENT IN THE LONDON

DAILY TELEGRAPH,N"]

Both the farestia and the 'rand of January 20th publish what is presumably the full text both of Trotsky's explana tory letter addressed to the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the resolution of the latter. Trotsky's letter is dated The Kremlin, January 15th, contrary to the official communication circalated abrous, which stated that the invalid Trotsky," was staying in the Moscow suburban Palace of Arkhangelskog In his letter. Trotsky. * unable owing to illness to take part in the meetings of the Plenum." sid:

of over 3,000 words.

It opens with the statement that the essential factors which secured the successes of the Bolshevist Party were steel-like inity and iron discipline..a true unity of views on the principles of Leninism

The continuous attacks of Comrade Trotsky on Bolahegis have placed the Party face to face with tho necessity either for repudiating these fac tors or for patting an end, oùce for all to such attacks,"

The resolution proceeds to state that Comrade Trotsky's attacks had been in terpreted by the bourgruisie and the Social Democrats as a sign of a split within the Russian Communist Party and consequently as the disruption of the dictatorship of the proletarint, and with in the country were regarded by vacil ating and anti-proletarian elements as 2 signal to rally in opposition tha Party policy. In general. the whole read of Trotsky's activities can now be determined us an impulse to transform the ideology of the Russian Communist Bolshevism, as It Party into a sort of minisimodernized by Comrade Trotsky

I have held and still hold that in the course of this discussion I could have furnished suficiently weightyg ments, both in the nature of principle and of fact, to exoneratë myself from the accusation of aiming at a revision of Leninism!! or of. Lenin'a rôle. I refused to do so, how ever, not only on account of my illness, bat also because in the present conditions of the discussion. any attempt on my part to deal with the subject, indepen dently of the form. tenor dr contents of my refutations, would only serve further to render the polemic mere nente and one-sided. And now, having thought over the whole trend of the discussion, and notwithstanding the multitude of fals and absolutely monstrous accust tions heaped up against me, think that, from the point of view of the com- man interests of the party, my silence has

been wiser.

was "an attempt to substitute for Lenin's theory and tactics of "the inter- national proletarian revolution a variety of Meashevism, in the spirit of. 'Euro- pean social democracy.

او

Comrade Trotsky had, the resolution says, now declared open war against the very foundations of Bolshevist doctrice. He denied the whole teaching corberning the factors which provided the motive power of the Russian revolution as given by Leninism and established his own

theory of a permanent revolution. He endeavoured to persuade the party that before accepting the principle of the dictatorship of the proletariat, Bolshe vism had been obliged to change its

*the Hero and the Mob. Lenin's own part in the revolution is represented as most ambiguous, espe cially in his relations with the 'then Central, Committee of the party. The conduct of that body is described in such a way as to discredit it."

I cannot, however, by any means acarmour "ie.. to repudiate Leninism cept the accusation of trying to pursue and embrace Trotskyism. The person- my own line of policy (Trotskyism) orality of Comrade Trotsky himself is of endeavouring to revise Leninism. The placed in the limelight according to the opinion attributed to me, that it was formula. not I who embraced Bolshevism, but that Bolshevism recognized me, oppeurs to me as simply monstrous. In my preface ta "The Lessons of October" (p. 89) I state explicitly that Bolshevism had played its part in the revolution by a ruthless cam-

Trotsky is accused of a veiled attemps paign against Menshevism, People's Socialism, and conciliatory Social-to pave the way for organizing a "right" ism, to the latter of which 1 belonged. wing within the party under cover of the It has never entered my bead during the New Economic Policy. On all import- fast eight years to deal with any ques tant questions he has lately not agreed tion from the point of view of so-called with the party's opinions, but held op- All the leaders of Trotskyisin, which I have long since Posite views. abandoned and consider as politically the Second International, the most dan- extinct. Whether I was right or wrong serous sagrants of the bourgenise, are endeavouring to utilize Trotsky's rebel on any question raised by our party, was always inspired in my decisions by lion, on principle for compromising the general theoretical and practical ex-Leninismy the Russian revolatier, and the parience of the party. Not once in all Communist International in the eyes of these years did anyone ever tell me that the labour masses of Europe, and thus to any of my ideas or proposals indicated bind thein more securely to the charice

{of the bourgeoisie.

The peasants a new policy of Trotskyismo my surprise this term. suddenly appeared have become convinced that there exists during the discussion on by book on the no party unity on the peasant question. The roung generation is be- revolution of 1017."

ing drawn by its favourite leader into the conflict between the young and the fold.

The Red Army and Fleet, which should see in their leader na example of party discipline. now witness An exactly contrary attitude. The entire Communist International is dow a witness of how one of its pro- minent members opposes the Bolsheviza- tion of its sections and actually supports the enemies of Bolshevism in the camp of the Second International....

Great political significance is attached te this term in relation to the peasant question. I repudiate emphatically the assumption that the formula of Per manent revolution" was used by me as denoting lack of cere in bandling the peasant question. The attempt to this question in order to demonstrate ir- reconcilable "contradictions cannot, in my opinion, he justified either by the eight years of our revolutionary experiences acquired in common, or by our future tasks.

Use

I equally repudiate the references to y alleged pessimism with regard to the destinies of our Socialist structure in view of the slowing down of the world revolution in the West. In spite of dif ficulties arising from capitalist surround- lags, the economic and political resources of the Soviet dictatorship are very great. I have frequently upheld and developed this idea. on behalf of the party at var- ious international congressos, and con- sider that it remains in force at the present stage of historical development. In so far as a formal pretext for the latest discussion was found ur the for ward to my book on 1917.1 consider it my duty, Grst of all, to refute the accusation, that I had published the book without the knowledge of the Central Committee. In point of fact, this book was printed during my rest eure in, the Caucasus. exactly in the same way as ill the other books written by me or by nhy members of the Central Committee or of the party. Of course, it is the business of the Central Committee to establish some form of control ører party publi- cations and.. I never had cause or in- elination to avoid, anche control. ."

The forward to The Lessons of October" contains the development of those idrus which I have expressed be fore, and especially during the past [year.

It goes without saying that in analysing the October Revolution in connection with the German events, I never dreamed of creating a separate platform or ever entertained the idea that my work could be interpreted in that sense,

43

I hold it necessary to establish that neither the Political Bureau no i body, nor any of the members of the Centrai Committee, ever pointed out to me that my bonks or articles could be suspected. of a revision' of Leninism. The book on 1903, which was published during the life of Vladimir Ilyitch [Lenia) had several editions, was warmly recommended by the Party Preas and was translated into foreign languages by the Communist International. Yet it is

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