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the language restricted. That being so we had not the opportunity of passing the Bill in our Parliament. I am perfectly certain that if we had had that Bill brought forward it would have been passed without any dissent in either of our Houses, because, as in New South Wales, the feeling is undoubtedly strong. Therefore, I would join with the other Premiers in urging that, if it be at all possible, the Bills may be permitted practically in the form in which they have been sent. We are asked to do something which it is said will give us just the same effects and advantages as we get under these Bills; we are asked to do by a roundabout way what we are not allowed to do direct. We prefer to do it directly, and to say once for all that we do not desire in our Australian Colonies that any of these coloured persons should come and settle amongst us, having a different mode of life, willing to work for far reduced wages from what our people are required to work for in order to live as we require them to live. While we are perfectly willing to allow visitors or merchants to come and trade with us, we do desire to appeal as strongly as we are able to, that the home authorities should assist us in this matter by allowing the Bills to pass so that we may have sole control over these persons as the Bills propose at present.
Sir John Forrest.] I agree with every word Mr. Reid has said. We have not introduced a Bill, but we propose to do so on the same lines in the coming Session.
Sir Iugh Nelson.] I may state that in Queensland the feeling of opposi- tion to the immigration of the alien of all kinds is just as strong as it is in the At other Colonies, and at one time it was much more acute than it is now. the same time I do not favour the Bill that has been passed by New South Wales, nor do I see how the Imperial Government could assent to any such Bill. Mr. Reid seems to think that the vagueness of the definition of coloured races is a great strength to the Bill because it does not refer to any particular nation, but to me that very vagueness of definition seems to be its very weakness.
We have already dealt with Chinese, and I do not think it is possible to pass a Bill on the general subject to apply all round, but that your mode of procedure ought rather to be to provide for each case as it arises. The Chinese Restriction Bill has bad the desired effect, and we have also conditions as regards Polynesians which, after a great deal of trouble, are now satisfactory in their operation, and we believe that we are not only assisting the white men of Queensland as would be the case by a Bill such as is coming into existence, but we are also benefiting the Polynesians. We propose to follow the same course in regard to Japan, and that is the principal reason why I and my colleagues have not dissented from the proposal to join the treaty. I understand, although some of the other Premiers seem to have doubts upon the subject, that we are now in a position to legislate for the purpose of restricting, if necessary, the importation of labourers and artisans into Queensland, and that any Bill passed by our Parliament within the terms of the treaty could receive the immediate assent of the Governor without being sent home for the assent of the Imperial Government. That enables us at any time, if we are threatened with any great invasion of Japanese labour, to immediately pass legislation to deal with it, and we think that by doing so we are in a much stronger position thon if we tried to pass a Bill to apply to Asiatics or all round. That is the point that I would like to ask, whether we now possess the powers of legislation which I have indicated, whether any Act of Parliament could be immediately put into force, and whether unnecessary delay might be occasioned by the Governor being compelled to forward the Bill for the royal assent. But otherwise the feeling of the people of Queensland is not so strong as it was at one time. At one time the very existence of the Government depended upon their pro- fessing themselves in favour of bringing in legislation for the purpose of preventing any coloured races of any sort coming into the Colony.
Sir George Turner.] That will occur again as soon as they begin coming in in large numbers.
Sir Hugh Nelson.] I beg your pardon?
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Sir George Turner.] That arose because a large number of Chinese were coming into your Colony, and the same feeling will undoubtedly arise in your Colony and in our Colonies as soon as the Japanese begin to come in in large numbers.
Sir Hugh Nelson.] We think that by going into the treaty we are able to deal with the subject in a way that the other Colonies will not be able to deal with it.
Mr. Kingston.] The treaty, which is not in force for four years, might be cancelled by 12 months' notice.
Mr. Reid.] Is it not in force now?
Mr. Kingston.] It cannot be brought into force-I am speaking roughly- until five years from the date of signature, and then only by notice by the Japanese Government.
Sir Hugh Nelson.] It is practically in force. In the meantime we have all our correspondence and our relations with the Japan Government. Any complaints I have sent to them they have always listened to and taken action upon and I believe that they will continue to do so.
Sir John Forrest.] They are all very civil, there is no doubt about that. The Secretary of State.] Of course, this is a meeting for the interchange of views, and I am very glad to have the views of all those present, which will now be on record.
am very sorry that Mr. Reid and some others do not see their way to accept the proposal which I have made and which I had hoped would have given them all that they wanted and which would at the same time make our course, which is a very difficult one, rather easier. I cannot attempt to arrive at any conclusion to-day. All that
you have said, the whole of the arguments in the matter must be referred to my colleagues in the Cabinet, but I may point out that the Premiers and the Colonies do not appear at present at any rate to be entirely united; there are shades of difference between them. While everyone is anxious to prevent anything like a wholesale immigration of these races into Australia, there is a certain difference of opinion as to the method by which that might be accomplished Of course the situation would be different if Australia were federated, and an unanimous desire representing the whole of Australia were presented to the British Government; the pressure would be greater in that case than it is when it comes from different Colonies, and separately applied and applied in rather different directions. I think myself that possibly it may
be necessary to take some time to further consider the matter, which, as I have pointed out, is really one of principle and of very great importance in regard to the future administration of the Empire as a whole. Legislation of this kind in the very drastic form in which it appears in the New South Wales Bill will undoubtedly be the subject of agitation in England, and I should have hoped that we could have avoided that. I do not think that India can claim at all events, I quite understand that Australia cannot and will not submit to anything in the nature of wholesale immigration from that country by which the white inhabitants of Australia might very easily be entirely swamped. That is impossible, we quite admit that, that must be at all hazards avoided; but I should have thought that by friendly arrangements with the Indian Government, assisted by legislation of rather a more moderate character, everything that is really desired might be secured.
Sir John Forrest.] A good big poll tax.
Mr. Reid.] This legislation would involve that. Sir John Forrest.] We have no poll tax.
Sir George Turner.] We have no poll tax.
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Mr. Reid.] We have a poll tax and restrictions, one to so many tons. Sir George Turner.] We have no poll tax.
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