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I put the case for Hong Kong as vigorously as I know how. I pointed out how we'd defied gloomy predictions in the past, how our economy continued to grow strongly based on secure foundations, how the natural entrepreneurialism and resilience of people in Hong Kong and their deep commitment to the values and institutions of what Americans call civil society professions, charities, the rule of law, free newspapers, responsible democratic action, accountable and clean government - all that, I said, would see Hong Kong through any choppy waters in the next few years. No one, I said, repeating the old adage, had ever made any money out of betting against Hong Kong.
But what's all that about choppy waters? Unfortunately it's the stretch of sea on which the words and deeds of some Chinese officials and China's advisers have focused most international and conceivably domestic attention recently. You see what I and other defenders of Hong Kong find ourselves doing is trying to repair some of the damage done to Hong Kong and to our image by the events of recent weeks and months.
Typically, Americans already worried about Taiwan, weapons proliferation, intellectual property theft, and human rights in China - asked about the closing down of LegCo, the threat to throttle the Bill of Rights, the political neutrality of the civil service and the independence of the judiciary. At every meeting I attended, question after question enquired about Hong Kong's autonomy, freedom and prosperity if the Legislative Council, the judiciary and the civil service were in Peking's pocket and if the protection of civil liberties here were to be scrapped. Why these questions? You know why they were asked. Just remember the newspaper headlines in March and April reporting on Chinese statements and actions. The damage to Hong Kong is done by those who make the threats not by those who do their best to answer them.
I repeat if you don't believe me, read the reports of the people who were at those meetings, listening to the questions being asked. Hear what they have to say. It's the oldest trick in the book, to try to shift the blame for exceedingly ill-judged actions onto the shoulders of those who have to deal with their consequences.
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There were two other criticisms on the united front charge sheet. First, that I'd accused big businessmen of and I quote - "betraying" Hong Kong and its freedoms. Leave aside the fact, quite a big fact when you come to think of it, that I've never, ever used that word, and come to the nub of what I've actually said. And that is quite simple. I've said that it's a pity that those members of the Preparatory Committee who clearly have not underestimated the importance of the value of freedom and the rule of law for themselves seem reluctant to stand up for those things for Hong Kong as a whole. But I'll take that back, I'll do so with enthusiasm, when someone on the Committee - anyone speaks out for dialogue with the democrats not confrontation, speaks up for human rights in Hong Kong, stands up to fellow members who in the last few weeks have called into question the neutrality of the civil service and the independence of the judges.
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